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Implementing Impersonation

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The ability to log in as one of your users is one of the highest value features you can develop to support your customers.

The ability to log in as one of your users is one of the most dangerous features you can develop to support your customers.

With that pithy introduction out of the way…

No, actually, let’s back up a minute because I’m not sure that you’ve fully appreciated what you’re about to do: you are creating a security hole in your app.

If your app is Helm’s Deep, then impersonating users is like adding a small unguarded culvert that bypasses the main fortifications. You should expect Orks… and add the appropriate defences.

Helmsdeep

Still not afraid? Oh, maybe you’ve heard of Facebook? Yeah, this feature you’re about to blithely implement resulted in 90 million compromised accounts yesterday.

So, are you afraid now? Good. You may continue.


There’s a lot of things to consider when implementing a feature like this and the technical details are possibly the least interesting. They also vary considerably between apps, frameworks, and languages.

Technically, logging in as another user is probably as simple as session[:current_user] = user.id or something similar. Whatever. You probably know how this works.

Logging in as another user is not the hard part.

Here’s some more important things to consider:

  • Do users need to give explicit permission for support staff to impersonate them?
  • Who is authorised to impersonate users?
  • How have you authenticated the support staff?
  • How long does the impersonation last?
  • How does the impersonator know they impersonating another user?
  • What unintentional effects do you need to avoid?

Getting permission

This might not be required in every application but if you’re dealing with sensitive or financial data you might need to ask the user’s permission before viewing their account. I’ve seen this implemented by FreeAgent as a special code visible in the user’s settings which must be provided directly to the support staff

FreeAgent support access code

The user can also opt-in/opt-out off allowing support staff to access their account.

Who can impersonate users?

This is really an internal company process but you should be clear about who can and cannot impersonate a user, under what circumstances, and for what purposes. You probably want your support staff to impersonate users so they can fix/debug an ongoing issue. You probably don’t want your sales people impersonating users out of idle curiosity.

One feature I’ve previously built is some form of accountability. You might build an audit log in the database recording each time a member of the support staff impersonated a user. Personally, I think audit logs are great for analysing abuse after it’s occurred but do little to act as a deterrent. Instead, I think good behaviour can be enforce by announcing the impersonation publicly — posting to a Slack channel each time some one is impersonated is a simple method of ensuring accountability.

Authentication

Now that your admin accounts are a backdoor to every user account, it’s time to take another look at their security.

First, I think it’s important to have separate Admin and User models as the simplest way to avoid privilege escalation attacks

You can't escalate a privilege if there's nothing to escalate

Next, we should ensure that it really is an admin impersonating the user. But don’t we just check that they’re logged-in as an admin?

Ha! Er… no. What happens if your support staff laptop is stolen? Or they’ve reused a password? You need another means of verifying it’s really an admin user. A sort of second password…a two-factor authentication if you will. 2FA. Top tip: just use https://www.twilio.com/authy to generate and confirm a confirmation code. It’s dead simple and will take a few hours at most.

This ensures that the logged-in admin account is being operated by the member of staff you think it is.

How long does the impersonation last?

A fairly common problem occurs when you impersonate a user on Friday, and then on Monday you open the app and forget you’re logged into that user’s account. Hopefully you realise in time before you do anything too… permanent like send a newsletter out with the wrong account.

A simple solution is to expire the impersonation much quicker than normal session cookies. If your user sessions normally last 30 days, I’d reduce the session timeout for impersonations to something like 1 hour.

How does the admin know they impersonating another user?

Even if you limit the duration, you’ll still want to display some indication that they’re impersonating another user.

In one app, I added a large/prominent ghost 👻 fixed in the left-hand corner which would end the session when clicked. It was a fun but important feature. A banner at the top works just as well

Impersonating a user in Podia

What unintentional effects do you need to avoid?

It’s only after you’ve built an impersonation feature that you discover all the unintended side-effects. Try to shortcut this process by considering where else you send your user information.

Some of my hard-won lessons include:

  • turn off Intercom when impersonating a user! Otherwise, you’ll send a message and end up it reading it yourself in the impersonated session… and the user will never get a notification!
  • disable all analytics or you’ll develop a very suspicious hotspot of user activity around your support staff’s location!
  • if possible, disable user notifications/emails when an account is being impersonated — or remind staff that impersonating a user will still generate emails, notifications, and dashboard events.

Multi-tenant applications

It’s slightly more complex to impersonate users when they’re on different subdomains or custom domains. The basic process isn’t too arduous though:

  1. Generate a secure token attached to the target user’s account
  2. Redirect the admin user to a special endpoint at the correct domain with the token as a parameter (https://mycustomdomain.com/users/impersonate?token=ac8feb1b48fcddfe902814ff342de0d41e80d8d67e56d8182d634dbea1220e92f9dda4b0dbbe902ec460f119a435a684793e844b738529b42d6d60f12736b2f2)
  3. Look up the target user account using the token
  4. Sign them in using whatever version of session[:current_user] = user.id your app requires
  5. Remove the token from the user account so the impersonation can’t be replayed

Recap

So here’s the outline process for impersonating a user:

  1. In your admin dashboard, let staff choose a user account to impersonate
  2. Request a 2FA verification code to confirm the identity of the admin user
  3. Once you’ve confirmed their identity, create the user session. In a simple web app, this might be just session[:current_user] = user.id . Or you might do the more complex multi-tenant dance with tokens and redirects.
  4. Record the impersonation session in an audit log
  5. Notify a team Slack channel with the details of the session
  6. Add a session variable indicating that the account is being impersonated session[:impersonating] = user.id
  7. Display a banner with a warning message, the name current user, and a way to end the session
  8. Disable all user analytics, both javascript and server-side
  9. If necessary & possible, disable user notifications like account activity emails

How I Judge the Quality of Documentation in 30 Seconds (2014)

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As a developer, you develop instincts for judging quality of code. One of my favorite interview questions is:

When you look at a project’s code for the first time, what are the things you look for?

I think this question is telling. Every person has different priorities, and this is a great way to get at them.

I have developed quick ways to tell the quality of documentation. This post will be about what they are, and what they mean. Obviously it is just a heuristic, and having these things doesn’t make good documentation. However, the absence of them usually indicates a lack of quality.

A Website

If your documentation is a directory full of files on GitHub, I close the tab. With GitHub Pages, Read the Docs, and other places to host generated documentation for free, not making an effort is unforgivable.

If this is your project, please check out Mkdocs. It is still a new tool, but it will give your users something much nicer. I also recommend Sphinx for the most mature approach to documentation.

Prose

If your documentation is generated from source code, I am immediately skeptical. You should use words to communicate with your users, and those words shouldn’t live in your source code. If you included all of the things needed to document a project in source, your code would be unreadable.

So please, use a tool that allows you to write prose documentation outside of your source code. Your users will thank you.

A great start is to read this series on Writing Great Documentation, and the resources on the Write the Docs docs.

URLs

There are two things I always look for in the URL:

Most often, projects don’t have either. Your URL should look something like: https://docs.project.com/en/1.0/

Versions

I see versions in lots of documentation, but not nearly enough. If your project has versions, your documentation should too. Not everyone can always upgrade to the latest version.If someone is using an old version, they should have access to documentation for that version.

Along the same lines, you should also have documentation for your development version. If the docs don’t have a version attached, I have no idea if they are up to date or not. You should clearly mark your released versions and development version, otherwise users will get confused.

Language

Language is one I rarely see. The software world has a nasty habit of forgetting that the whole world doesn’t speak English. If you don’t provide a language in your URL, you are implicitly sending the message that the documentation will never be translated.

I believe that translating documentation is a really important step towards helping people learn to program.Someone shouldn’t have to learn Programming and English at the same time.

Translations are quite a bit of work, so I understand why many projects don’t have them. But you should at least acknowledge the possibility of translation by putting the language in the URL.

Conclusion

That is the 30 second way that I determine if a project’s documentation is worth looking at. These are all hints about if a project actually cares about its docs. If the project doesn’t care about its documentation, that is a good sign that you probably shouldn’t use it.

Darpa Is Making Insects That Can Deliver Bioweapons, Scientists Claim

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The U.S. government’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) has been accused of trying to create a new class of biological weapons that would be delivered via virus-infected insects.

The Insect Allies program was announced by DARPA in 2016. It is a research project that aims to protect the U.S. agricultural food supply by delivering protective genes to plants via insects, which are responsible for the transmission of most plant viruses. Scientists believe loading the bugs up with viruses that would offer plants protective benefits could be one way of ensuring food security in the event of a major threat.

In an editorial published in the journal Science, a group of researchers led by Richard Guy Reeves, from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Biology in Germany, says Insect Allies isn't exactly what it says it is. Instead, they claim DARPA is potentially developing insects as a means of delivering a “new class of biological weapon.”

How Does Insect Allies Work?

There are many threats that could impact upon food security. This includes environmental disasters, natural pathogens and intentional attacks. Crop failure, for whichever of these reasons, has the potential to have devastating consequences—wheat and maize, for example, are relied upon by hundreds of millions across the globe for their basic nutritional needs.

ConceptArtInsectAlliesOctober32016v4FINAL619-316 Scientists with the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) are looking at introducing genetically modified viruses that can edit chromosomes directly, like using insects to transmit genetically modified material into plants. DARPA

Genetically altering a species to make it more resilient comes with problems. Introducing alterations directly into a species’ chromosome is slow, as the alteration must be passed down through generations before it takes hold.

Instead, scientists with DARPA are looking at introducing genetically modified viruses that can edit chromosomes directly in fields—these are known as horizontal environmental genetic alteration agents (HEGAAs).

The DARPA program is using the principles of HEGAAs but, unlike traditional methods of dispersal—like spraying fields with them—it wants to spread them through insects. At the moment, maize and tomato plants are being used in experiments and the insects being used for dispersal are leafhoppers, aphids and whiteflies.

"Insect Allies aims to develop scalable, readily deployable, and generalizable countermeasures against potential natural and engineered threats to mature crops,” Blake Bextine, DARPA Program Manager for Insect Allies, told Newsweek. “The program is devising technologies to engineer and deliver these targeted therapies on relevant timescales—that is, within a single growing season. To do so, Insect Allies researchers are building on natural, efficient, and highly specific plant virus and insect vector delivery systems to transfer modified, protective genes to plants.”

Why Biological Weapons?

Reeves and his colleagues offer a number of assertions about why Insect Allies could end up being a means of bioweapon dispersal. Firstly, they question the very nature of the project—the use of insects. Why, they say, are insects so integral? What is the problem with spraying HEGAAs?

The team says Insect Allies “appears very limited in its capacity to enhance U.S. agriculture or respond to national emergencies…. As a result, the program may be widely perceived as an effort to develop biological agents for hostile purposes and their means of delivery.”

Potentially, the viruses being introduced could do harm instead of good. The insects could be used to disperse agents that would prevent seeds from growing. “HEGAA weapons could be extremely transmissible to susceptible crop species, particularly where insects were used as the means of delivery,” they write. “Chromosomal editing would be targetable to particular crop varieties dependent on their genome sequence (presumably those varieties not grown by the deploying parties).”

gettyimages-935444786 Maize, one of the crops being tested by Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), is relied upon by millions of people for basic nutrition. Scientists believe loading the bugs up with viruses that would offer plants protective benefits could be one way of ensuring food security in the event of a major threat. iStock

The development of an insect-based system, according to the authors, points to “an intention to develop a means of delivery of HEGAAs for offensive purposes.” The technology, they say, could quickly be simplified and used to develop a whole new class of biological weapons. “In our view, the program is primarily a bad idea because obvious simplifications of the work plan with already-existing technology can generate predictable and fast-acting weapons, along with their means of delivery, capable of threatening virtually any crop species,” they wrote.

The team calls for more transparency from DARPA as the Insect Allies progresses. However, it also says the potential to weaponize this technology is already out there. They say weapons programs are driven by the perceived activities of competitors—maybe the Insect Allies program is a response to intelligence about another nation’s capabilities.

Furthermore, “the mere announcement of the Insect Allies Program, with its presented justifications, may motivate other countries to develop their own capabilities in this arena—indeed, it may have already done so.... Reversal of funding for this DARPA project...would not in itself close the particular Pandora’s box that HEGAAs or their insect dispersal may represent.”

DARPA Making Weaponized Insects?

gettyimages-139677923 The U.S. government’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) has been accused of trying to create a new class of biological weapons that would be delivered via virus-infected insects. Aphids are one of the insects being used in the DARPA program. iStock

DARPA denies the assertions made by Reeves and his colleagues. “DARPA is producing neither biological weapons nor the means for their delivery,” a spokesman told Newsweek. “We do accept and agree with concerns about potential dual use of technology, an issue that comes up with virtually every new powerful technology.” He said these concerns are the reason Insect Allies has been structured in the way it is—supposedly as a transparent and university-led research project that encourages communication. “We also have numerous, layered safeguards in place to maintain biosecurity and ensure the systems we're developing function only as intended,” the DARPA spokesperson added.

Bextine reiterated this point. Researchers working with DARPA are allowed to publish their results and work with different  agencies. The experiments they carry out are done so in biosecure greenhouses. “At no point in the program is DARPA funding open release of Insect Allies systems,” Bextine said.

He said he disagrees with the conclusion of the editorial in Science, saying technology and research that deals with food security and gene editing “have a higher bar than most for transparency”—and Insect Allies, he says, meets these high standards.

Responding to the queries relating to delivery—why spraying technology cannot be used—Bextine said these are just not up to the challenge, especially when it comes to responding at a large scale to the most severe threats.

“Many existing methods for protecting crops are inefficient, expensive, imprecise, or destructive to plants, may require significant infrastructure, and often provide only limited efficacy,” he said. “Sprayed treatments are impractical for introducing genetic modifications on a large scale and potentially infeasible if the spraying technology does not access the necessary tissues with specificity. Meanwhile, traditional selective breeding methods for introducing protective traits into plants require years to propagate, nowhere near the speed required to prevent a fast-moving threat from developing into a crisis.”

He added that DARPA would never receive funding for the next generation of aerial spraying technology. The development of this new technology is dependent on industry and other research funders. “Instead, we reach for fundamentally new ways of delivering more precise, efficacious treatments through systems that can be readily adapted to confront a range of potential threats.

“Emerging biotechnologies—and especially the cutting-edge research being performed on Insect Allies—are pushing science into new territories. DARPA is proud to be taking a proactive role in working with stakeholders to inform a new framework for considering how the benefits of these technologies can be most safely realized.”

Mino Games Is Hiring Haxe Game Programmers

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Mino Games is a mobile gaming studio that strives to build the best possible games. We produced the hit mobile game Mino Monsters, with over 15 million downloads. Our development studio is in Montreal, and we are building one of the top teams in the industry.

We are funded by the leading angel, institutional investors, and gaming companies from across the world. (Andreessen Horowitz, Y Combinator, Sybo Games).

We are rapidly growing our Montreal studio, and looking for world class talent to come join us.

Technology led a hospital to give a patient 38 times his dosage

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The nurses and doctors summoned to the hospital room of 16-year-old Pablo Garcia early on the morning of July 27, 2013, knew something was terribly wrong. Just past midnight, Pablo had complained of numbness and tingling all over his body. Two hours later, the tingling had grown worse.

Although Pablo had a dangerous illness—a rare genetic disease called NEMO syndrome that leads to a lifetime of frequent infections and bowel inflammation—his admission to the University of California, San Francisco Medical Center’s Benioff Children’s Hospital had been for a routine colonoscopy, to evaluate a polyp and an area of intestinal narrowing.

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At 9 o’clock that night, Pablo took all his evening medications, including steroids to tamp down his dysfunctional immune system and antibiotics to stave off infections. When he started complaining of the tingling, Brooke Levitt, his nurse for the night, wondered whether his symptoms had something to do with GoLYTELY, the nasty bowel-cleansing solution he had been gulping down all evening to prepare for the procedure. Or perhaps he was reacting to the antinausea pills he had taken to keep the GoLYTELY down.

Levitt’s supervising nurse was stumped, too, so they summoned the chief resident in pediatrics, who was on call that night. When the physician arrived in the room, he spoke to and examined the patient, who was anxious, mildly confused, and still complaining of being “numb all over.”

He opened Pablo’s electronic medical record and searched the medication list for clues that might explain the unusual symptoms.

At first, he was perplexed. But then he noticed something that stopped him cold. Six hours earlier, Levitt had given the patient not one Septra pill—a tried-and-true antibiotic used principally for urinary and skin infections — but 38½ of them.

Levitt recalls that moment as the worst of her life. “Wait, look at this Septra dose,” the resident said to her. “This is a huge dose. Oh my God, did you give this dose?”

“Oh my God,” she said. “I did.”

The doctor picked up the phone and called San Francisco’s poison control center. No one at the center had ever heard of an accidental overdose this large—for Septra or any other antibiotic, for that matter—and nothing close had ever been reported in the medical literature. The toxicology expert there told the panicked clinicians that there wasn’t much they could do other than monitor the patient closely.

As a precaution, the hospital’s rapid response team was summoned to the room. Pablo’s mother, Blanca, who had been with her younger son, hospitalized one floor up at UCSF for a severe skin infection (he, too, suffers from NEMO syndrome), began a vigil by Pablo’s bedside. “I phoned my sister, and we prayed together,” she later recalled.

At 5:32 a.m., Brooke Levitt heard a scream coming from Pablo’s room. It was Blanca Garcia. A few seconds earlier, her son had sat bolt upright in bed, yelled out “Mom!” then flopped backward. Levitt sprinted to the room, and when she got there, Pablo’s head was snapping back and forth, teeth clenched, back arched, extremities thrashing. He was having a grand mal seizure. Moments later, just as the Code Blue team arrived, the teenager stopped breathing.

“I thought, what if I killed him?” Levitt told me months later, wiping away tears. “If he had a seizure, I’m wondering if that’s going to be the end of it. . . I’m trying to hold it together, but I’m in shock the whole time. I just felt immensely guilty.”

The night that Pablo Garcia was given a 39-fold overdose of a routine antibiotic offers a cautionary tale that cannot be ignored.

To appreciate how one of the nation’s best hospitals—US News & World Report regularly ranks UCSF among the top 10 — could give a patient a 39-fold overdose of a common antibiotic, one first needs to understand how medicines were ordered and administered in hospitals as recently as a few years ago, before the system went digital.

Pablo Garcia had been taking one double-strength Septra tablet twice a day at home to prevent his frequent skin infections. In the old paper-based medication ordering system, the admitting doctor would have written “Septra 1 ds bid” (using the Latin abbreviation for “twice a day”) in the “Doctors’ Orders” section of a paper chart, a stack of sheets contained within a plastic three-ring binder.

The physician would have turned a colored wheel on the side of the binder to green, signaling to the ward clerk that there was an order to be “taken off.” The clerk would then have faxed the order sheet to the pharmacy, where a pharmacist would have read it, signified his approval by initialing the page, and handed the copy to a technician, who would have grabbed a big bottle of Septra pills from a shelf. The tech would then have poured out the pill, or perhaps a few days’ worth of pills, and put them in a bag or cup, which would have then been delivered to the patient’s floor by a runner or a pneumatic tube system.

Once the pills arrived on the floor, at the appropriate time the patient’s nurse would have read the order (manually transcribed from the doctor’s order sheet to the nurse’s Medication Administration Record) and entered the teenager’s room pushing a wheeled cart similar to the ones used by airline flight attendants. After opening the patient’s drawer in the cart, the nurse would have removed the medication, and others due to be given at the same time, watched the patient take the pill, and placed her signature next to the time and dose on her record.

Believe it or not, I’ve shortened this description — time and motion studies have identified as many as 50 steps between the moment the doctor wrote the order and the moment the nurse finally administered the medication. But even in simplified form, you can see why the old system was hugely error-prone. A study from the pen-and-paper era showed that 1 in 15 hospitalized patients suffered from an adverse drug event, often due to medication errors. A 2010 study (using data collected during the pre-digital era) estimated the yearly cost of medication errors in U.S. hospitals at $21 billion.

Those of us who worked in this Rube Goldberg system — and witnessed the harms it caused — anxiously awaited the arrival of computers to plug its leaks. Computerized ordering would make a doctor’s handwriting as irrelevant as scratches on a record album. Computerized decision support would alert the doctor or pharmacist that the patient was allergic to the medication being ordered, or that two medications might interact dangerously. A pharmacy robot could ensure that the right medication was pulled off the shelf, and that the dose was measured with a jeweler’s precision. And a bar-coding system would render the final leg in this relay race flawless, since it would signal the nurse if she had grabbed the wrong medication or was in the wrong patient’s room.

Of course, it was natural for doctors, nurses and pharmacists to expect that, once computers entered our complex, chaotic and often dangerous world, they would make things better. After all, in our off-duty lives we are so thoroughly used to taking out our iPhones, downloading an app, and off we go.

But we’re learning that the magic of information technology, so familiar to us in the consumer world that it nearly seems “normal,” is far more elusive in the world of medicine.

Though computers can and do improve patient safety in many ways, the case of Pablo Garcia vividly illustrates that, even in one of the world’s best hospitals, filled with well-trained, careful and caring doctors, nurses and pharmacists, technology can cause breathtaking errors.

This one began when a young physician went to an electronic health record and set a process in motion that never could have happened in the age of paper.

At around noon on a cool July day in San Francisco, Jenny Lucca, a pediatrics resident at UCSF, began the process of admitting Pablo Garcia, whose rare genetic disease had led to bouts of gastrointestinal bleeding and abdominal pain. He needed further evaluation with an elective colonoscopy, and this was a scheduled admission to perform the test and act on its results.

After speaking to Pablo and his mother and examining the young patient, Lucca clicked into the physicians’ orders section in the electronic health record. Pablo was on about 15 different medications. Lucca ordered his usual immunosuppressive pills, the liquid bowel-cleansing prep for the colonoscopy (the famously vile GoLYTELY) and his monthly infusion of immunoglobulins.

Then she came to the Septra, an antibiotic that the teenager had been taking for years to prevent recurrent skin and lung infections. The usual dose of Septra for all but the smallest children is one double-strength pill twice daily, and that is what Pablo was taking at home.

In the precomputer days, of course, Lucca would have written simply to continue the Septra, twice daily, on the physician’s order sheet.

But UCSF Medical Center, where I work as a physician, had not relied on paper for years. It had been over a decade since doctors and nurses wrote their daily notes on paper, and all of the orders had been electronic for nearly two years. Lucca, as a young physician, had never experienced a medical profession built on a backbone of paper documentation. She was of a generation of digital natives, for whom the use of the computer was natural and expected. After arriving in San Francisco, Lucca took the required 10 hours of computer training, and UCSF’s system, built by Epic of Verona, Wisconsin—the same one she had used in medical school — made the learning curve far less steep than it might have been.

The medical center installed its first hospital-wide computer system in 2000. We switched to Epic, the market leader, in 2012 after an unhappy decade with General Electric’s problem-ridden EHR system. Our implementation of Epic, like all such implementations, had its share of hiccups. Some departments didn’t send out bills for weeks, some medications and lab tests were overlooked, and a few patients fell off the hospital’s radar screen for brief periods. Like new homeowners, the IT department had a “punch list” of hundreds of items to be fixed or modified, and they spent much of the first year after implementation methodically going through it, checking off items.

But now, on the date of Pablo Garcia’s admission, 13 months after UCSF’s Epic installation, the system was running smoothly. And there was good evidence that it was meeting its goals: doctors’ and nurses’ notes were now legible; thousands of medication errors had been intercepted by the bar-coding system; and computerized checklists guided the clinicians through some key safety practices like identifying the correct surgical site before the first incision. Moreover, about 50,000 patients had signed up to access a new electronic portal called MyChart, which allowed them to receive results of lab tests and x-rays, schedule appointments, refill their medications, and e-mail their physicians. Although there were grumbles here and there, the general feeling was that the electronic health record was making patient care safer and better.

Yet a series of dangers lurked beneath the placid surface. Installing a system like Epic is not like installing an operating system on your laptop, where you just “Accept the Terms,” reboot the machine and off you go. Instead, while the electronic health record provides the scaffolding, there are hundreds of decisions that each hospital needs to make, many of them related to electronic prescribing.

For example, should there be maximum dose limits set in the system, so that doses several times higher than the published maximum are grayed out? UCSF decided not to set such limits. The reasoning at the time was that, in a teaching hospital with lots of patients with rare diseases, many of them on research protocols, such “overdoses” would usually be okay. A system with hundreds of “hard stops” would lead to many angry phone calls from frustrated doctors to pharmacists, demanding that they override the block.

Can technology make the Herculaneum scrolls legible after 2,000 years? (2015)

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It was a warm day in Paris, and the library of the Institut de France was stuffy and hot. Daniel Delattre, a distinguished French papyrologist, did not remove his suit jacket. The institute, which includes the Académie Française, is a jacket-and-tie sort of place.

Delattre, who is sixty-eight years old and has a dreamy, lost-in-the-vale-of-academe manner, was contemplating a small wooden box on the table in front of him which was labelled “Objet Un.” There are thousands of rare objects in the institute’s library; the fact that whatever was inside the box was Object One suggested that it was of some importance. An ornately hand-lettered card was taped to the outside. It said, in French, “Box containing the remains of papyrus from Herculaneum”—the Roman town destroyed, along with its larger neighbor, Pompeii, in the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in A.D. 79.

The papyrus scrolls of Herculaneum, which were discovered in 1752, have long fascinated and frustrated lovers of antiquity. They were found in an elaborate villa buried almost ninety feet deep by the volcano—this archeological wonder has been known ever since as the Villa dei Papiri. At least eight hundred scrolls were uncovered; they constitute the only sizable library from the ancient world known to have survived intact. Some were found stacked on shelves in a small room; others were elsewhere in the villa, packed in capsae, travelling boxes for the scrolls, presumably in preparation for flight.

Given the splendor of the villa, and the masterly bronze sculptures found in its ruins, the learned world assumed that the library would contain vanished classics. One could dare hope for one or two of the lost histories of Livy, of whose hundred and forty-two books on the history of Rome only thirty-five survive. Or perhaps one of the nine volumes of verse written by Sappho, the Greek poet; only one complete poem remains. By some estimates, ninety-nine per cent of ancient Greek literature has been lost, and Latin has not fared much better. Among those works we know are missing are Aristotle’s second volume of the Poetics, which was on comedy; Gorgias’ philosophical work “On Non-Existence”; the four missing books of the Roman historian Tacitus’ Annals, covering Caligula’s reign and the beginning of Claudius’; Ovid’s version of “Medea”; and Suetonius on the Greek athletic games. (His “Lives of Famous Whores” also, sadly, has not survived.) Greek tragedy has been decimated. According to the Suda, the tenth-century Byzantine encyclopedia of classical culture, Euripides wrote as many as ninety-two plays; eighteen survive. We have seven each from Aeschylus and Sophocles, who wrote about ninety and a hundred and twenty, respectively. “And that’s just the big three of tragedy,” the writer and classics professor Daniel Mendelsohn told me. “Of the thousand that were likely written and performed during the hundred-year heyday of tragedy, we have only thirty-three extant plays—that’s about a three-per-cent survival rate.”

Delattre’s dream has been to recover something of the lost works of Epicurus (341-270 B.C.), the Greek philosopher whose thought has been the focus of his life’s study, and whose writings are known only through secondary sources.

“Basically, whatever your specialty is, that’s what you want to find in the scrolls,” David Sider, a professor of classics at N.Y.U. and the author of “The Library of the Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum” (2005), told me.

But that’s the problem. In trying to read the scrolls, scholars and curators have invariably damaged or destroyed them. The Herculaneum papyri survived only because all the moisture was seared out of them—uncharred papyrus scrolls in non-desert climates have long since rotted away. In each scroll, the tightly wrapped layers of the fibrous pith of the papyrus plant are welded together, like a burrito left in the back seat of a car for two thousand years. But, because the sheets are so dry, when they are unfurled they risk crumbling into dust.

During the past two hundred and fifty years, an array of methods and materials have been used on the easier-to-unwrap scrolls, including rose water, mercury, “vegetable gas,” sulfuric compounds, and papyrus juice—most of which have caused grievous harm to the delicate plant material on which the text is inscribed. Scores of scrolls have been badly damaged or destroyed, ruined by the same uniquely human impulse that went into making them—the desire to read.

Before addressing Objet Un, Delattre opened another box, containing pieces of two scrolls (the institute has six altogether) that had suffered a misguided attempt to read them in 1985. There were hundreds of fragments, organized within a set of smaller boxes. They resembled scraps of dried mud. But if you looked closely you could see tiny Greek letters on the warped surfaces, made by a scribe two thousand years ago—an electrifying jolt of handwritten human communication from the ancient world.

Delattre explained that the two ill-fated scrolls had been transported to Naples, where they were treated with a mixture of ethanol, glycerin, and warm water, which was supposed to loosen the folds. One scroll was peeled apart into many fragments; the other dried up and then, like a disaster in slow motion, split apart into more than three hundred pieces. “Well,” Delattre murmured, “it simply exploded.” He shook his head sadly.

How did the institute come by six scrolls in the first place? Delattre explained that, by 1800, the Herculaneum scrolls had become instruments of diplomatic and political power. In 1802, Ferdinand, the Bourbon king of Naples and Sicily, “gave” six of the scrolls to Napoleon, who was threatening to invade Naples. Napoleon housed them in the Institut de France, which he reorganized in 1803 into what would later become the five academies that form the institute today. The collection grew around the scrolls; that’s why the box Delattre showed me was labelled “Objet Un.” But the scrolls did not satisfy Napoleon for long; capitalizing on victory in the Battle of Austerlitz, France invaded Naples in 1806, forcing Ferdinand and his court to flee to Sicily, leaving the scrolls in nearby Portici, where they were housed in a royal museum. When Britain helped restore Ferdinand to the throne, in 1815, he was so grateful that he is rumored to have bestowed eighteen scrolls on the British Prince Regent, later George IV, who in turn gave the Neapolitan court eighteen live kangaroos from the British colony of New South Wales. Some of these scrolls ended up in Oxford, but a few are still unaccounted for. The fate of the kangaroos is even less clear.

Delattre placed his hands on the box containing Objet Un. But he did not open it. He prepared his guests for the worst—the shock of seeing the body in the morgue. When he finally lifted the lid, you saw why. Swaddled in thick cotton was what appeared to be a human turd.

One glance at the scroll was enough to be sure there was no hope it could ever be unwrapped physically. But what about virtually?

Herculaneum was situated on the southwestern flank of Vesuvius, closer to the volcano than Pompeii, to the southeast, and it was destroyed in a different way. Pompeii was slowly buried under falling pumice and ash, carried by the prevailing wind for several days, while Herculaneum was flash-seared by volcanic phenomena called pyroclastic flows and surges—successive waves of superheated gas and rock that overtook the city rapidly, eventually sealing everything under a deep layer. In a famous letter to Tacitus, Pliny the Younger, who witnessed the eruption from across the bay, at Misenum (his uncle, the naturalist and philosopher Pliny the Elder, died in the catastrophe), described seeing “a horrifying dark cloud, ripped by sudden bursts of fire, writhing back and forth.”

For centuries, it was believed that most of the residents of Herculaneum had escaped. It was not until 1980 that a grisly discovery was made: gathered together by the harbor, in what had been boat sheds, were some three hundred skeletons, of people who had apparently been waiting for rescue. The pyroclastic flow carbonized organic matter such as wood, food, sewer contents, and scrolls; little trace of these things was found at Pompeii, where almost everything organic eventually decayed. Joseph Jay Deiss, in his evocative book “Herculaneum: Italy’s Buried Treasure,” describes an urban tableau that is frozen in time: “Luncheon still waits on tables. . . . The sick boy in the shop of the gem-cutter lies in his bed, his lunch of chicken uneaten. The baby remains in the cradle, a pathetic little heap of carbonized bones.”

The Villa dei Papiri is thought to have been built by Julius Caesar’s father-in-law, Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, a wealthy statesman who was a consul of the Roman Republic in 58 B.C. The huge house, at least three stories tall, sat beside the Bay of Naples, which at that time reached five hundred feet farther inland than it does today. The villa’s central feature was a long peristyle—a colonnaded walkway that surrounded the pool and gardens and sitting areas, with views of the islands of Ischia and Capri, where the Emperor Tiberius had his pleasure palace. The Getty Villa, in Los Angeles, which was built by J. Paul Getty to house his classical-art collection, and opened to the public in 1974, was modelled on the villa and offers visitors the opportunity to stroll along the peristyle themselves, as it was on that day in 79.

Buried four times deeper than Pompeii, Herculaneum was forgotten. Its name disappeared from history. In 1709, more than sixteen centuries after the eruption, workmen digging a well in the town of Resina hit the upper tier of Herculaneum’s ancient theatre, a structure that once seated twenty-five hundred. The excavations that followed, which were closer to treasure hunts than to archeological digs, were mostly carried out under the auspices of the royal House of Bourbon, members of which ruled France and much of southern Europe, including Spain and parts of present-day Italy. The Villa dei Papiri was discovered in 1750, and its excavation was supervised by a Swiss architect and engineer named Karl Weber, who dug a network of tunnels through the subterranean structure and eventually drew up a map of the villa’s layout. The architects of the Getty Villa based their design on Weber’s plan.

The discovery of the first cache of scrolls, in October, 1752, was reported the following month in a letter sent by Camillo Paderni to Dr. Richard Mead. Paderni was a painter and copyist from Rome, who had come to Herculaneum to reproduce some of the villa’s wall paintings. Somehow he managed to get Charles, Ferdinand’s father, to appoint him “keeper” of the royal museum at Portici, where the sculptures and the scrolls were kept. Mead was a distinguished British physician, a fellow of the Royal Society, and a noted book collector, with a library of more than a hundred thousand volumes in his house in Bloomsbury, which was dispersed in an epic, fifty-six-day auction after his death, in 1754. In corresponding with Paderni, Mead may have hoped to obtain the ultimate prize before he died—a newly discovered great work of classical literature, of which there existed but a single copy.

Paderni’s letter was read to the Royal Society, which met monthly in Crane Court, off Fleet Street, in February of 1753, and was published in the society’s “Philosophical Transactions” for that year. The news of a recently discovered ancient library captivated Europe. The scrolls, together with the bronze statues, and the opportunity to descend into the theatre of Herculaneum, were the reason that Naples became a stop on the eighteenth-century gentleman’s Grand Tour. (“See Naples and die.”) Who could resist the chance to peer into a lost masterpiece from antiquity? The scrolls must have enhanced Charles’s stature; in 1759 he assumed the throne of Spain, leaving his son Ferdinand to rule Naples and Sicily.

Charles told Paderni to see about opening the scrolls, and the keeper, whom the historian Charles Seltman described as “a lazy sycophant of a man,” saw to it. In his letter to Mead, Paderni noted that the papyrus had “turn’d to a sort of charcoal, so brittle, that, being touched, it falls readily into ashes.” He continued, “Nevertheless, by his Majesty’s orders, I have made many trials to open them, but all to no purpose; excepting some words.” As David Blank, of U.C.L.A., a prominent American papyrologist, told me, Paderni at first simply cut the scrolls in half lengthwise. He removed the less charred midollo, or marrow, and then scraped away at the outer layers—the scorza, or bark, as it was called—until writing could be seen. (Only later did he realize that the midollo was, in fact, the most legible part.) Blank said, “Charles wanted visible writing that he could show to his important visitors.”

In 1753, Charles brought in Father Antonio Piaggio, from the Vatican Library, who built a machine to unwrap the scrolls, very slowly, at the rate of a centimetre an hour—the so-called Piaggio Machine. Johann Winckelmann, the German archeologist and art historian, described Piaggio’s work in his “Letter on the Herculaneum Discoveries,” published in 1762:

It is incredible to imagine what this man [Piaggio] contrived and executed. He made a machine, with which, (by the means of certain threads, which, being gummed, stuck to the back part of the papyrus, where there was no writing), he begins, by degrees, to pull, while with a sort of ingraver’s instrument he loosens one leaf from the other, (which is the most difficult part of all).

It was four years before the first scrolls were successfully unwrapped, but eventually Piaggio managed to unwrap fifty more, some dozens of feet long, with his machine. And what lost masterpieces did he reveal? Not Livy, or Sappho, or Simonides, the Greek lyric poet whom William Wordsworth invoked in his poem “September, 1819”:

O ye, who patiently explore

The wreck of Herculaneum lore,

What rapture! could ye seize

Some Theban fragment, or unroll

One precious, tender-hearted scroll

Of pure Simonides.

Most of the scrolls, including the first one unwrapped by Piaggio, “On Music, Book 4,” were written by the same person—a minor Greek poet and philosopher named Philodemus. Who was he? A nineteenth-century commentator called him “an obscure, verbose, inauthentic Epicurean from Cicero’s time.” Thanks to decades of painstaking work by Father Piaggio and his successors, we have the final book of Philodemus’ multivolume “On Music,” large parts of his “Rhetoric,” and his “On the Stoics,” “On the Good King According to Homer,” “On Flattery,” “On Wealth,” and “On Anger,” among many others. In some cases, there are multiple copies of the same book.

Philodemus was born about two hundred and thirty years after Epicurus, and was a member of the Athens school of Epicurean thought. He also wrote epigrams, of which Cicero speaks archly (he calls him a “Greekling”). Several of these are dedicated to Piso, Caesar’s father-in-law. Like many late-Republic Roman aristocrats, Piso was a follower of Epicurus, and he seems to have been Philodemus’ patron. At some point during the Roman takeover of Athens, Philodemus is believed to have moved to Herculaneum, bringing his library with him. The villa thought to have been built by Piso could have held Philodemus’ library. (The reasoning for both these theories is circular: because Philodemus was connected to Piso, and because the works were found in a villa that few Romans other than Piso were rich enough to build, the house probably belonged to Piso, and Piso’s villa could have held Philodemus’ library.)

Still, among the hundreds of unopened scrolls, there might be great works that Philodemus was describing; namely, complete copies of Epicurus’ original writings. Among the Villa dei Papiri scrolls are many that were written in Latin; these were mostly found in the capsae, presumably because someone was trying to save them, but they are more likely to contain literary works by Roman writers. And the Latin papyri are in even worse condition than the Greek ones. Sarah Hendriks, a young Australian papyrologist whom I met in the National Library in Naples, who works on the Latin scrolls, said, “While it is relatively easy to find individual letters, finding whole words can be only a weekly or monthly occurrence at most. Whole lines of text are extremely rare. I often look with envy at the Greek papyri!”

In 2005, Delattre attended a meeting in Oxford of the Friends of Herculaneum Society, a group of professional papyrologists and amateur Herculaneum enthusiasts. The keynote speaker was Brent Seales, a software engineer who is the head of the computer-science department at the University of Kentucky. He gave a talk about the possibility of “virtually unwrapping” the scrolls, using a combination of molecular-level X-ray technology, spectral-imaging techniques, and software designed by him and his students at the university.

Digital restoration—the application of modern imaging technology to the reading of ancient manuscripts—is not exactly Seales’s idea, but it has become his mission. His work has brought him renown in papyrological circles, and has made him something of a celebrity on campus in Lexington, where the school newspaper regularly reports on his progress. Seales does much of his manuscript work at the university’s Center for Visualization and Virtual Environments, where he is the director.

“The idea is that you’re not just conserving the image digitally—you can actually restore it digitally,” Seales explained, in his earnest, go-getter way. The potential struck him in 1995, when he was assisting Kevin Kiernan, an English professor, on a digital-imaging project involving the only extant copy of “Beowulf,” the medieval masterwork, which is in the British Library. The manuscript was damaged in a fire in 1731. The Kentucky team used a variety of techniques, including one called multispectral imaging, or MSI—developed by NASA for use in mapping mineral deposits during planetary flyovers—to make the letters stand out from the charred background. The basic principle is that different surfaces reflect light differently, especially in the infrared part of the spectrum. Inked letters will therefore reflect at different wavelengths from those of the parchment or vellum or papyrus they are written on.

As Seales worked on more manuscripts, he realized that what he had thought of as a two-dimensional problem was really three-dimensional. As a writing surface ages, it crinkles and buckles. If Seales could design software that reverse-engineered that aging process with an algorithm—“something like the stuff that lets you see the flag waving in reverse,” as he put it—he might be able to virtually flatten the manuscript. Back in Kentucky, Seales and his team put their concept to the test with King Alfred the Great’s Old English translation of “The Consolation of Philosophy,” by Boethius, which is also in the British Library. They studied the material science of the vellum that the medieval scribe had used, and, by modelling that on the computer, Seales was able to virtually smooth out the manuscript, making some letters visible for the first time.

Seales’s name got around to the curators of collections containing badly damaged manuscripts; he was the guy who could read the unreadable. “I came to think of it as the ‘impossible scenario,’ ” he said. “Every time we’d go to a collection, people would pull out stuff they couldn’t do anything with, and say, ‘O.K., you can do something with that, but what about this?’ ”

Richard Janko, a classical scholar at the University of Michigan and a leading papyrologist, heard of Seales’s work and talked to him about the Herculaneum papyri—the ultimate impossible scenario, because reading them meant not only flattening deformed surfaces but also seeing inside scrolls that had never been unwrapped at all. In 1999 and 2000, a team from Brigham Young University had, in fact, conducted an MSI study on some of the scrolls that had already been opened. They achieved spectacular results on the surfaces. But they could do nothing with the hundreds of scrolls that hadn’t been unrolled.

Seales, in his Oxford talk, proposed putting an unopened scroll inside a CT scanner. CT—computed tomography—is the X-ray technology used to create 3-D images of human bones and organs. More recently, CT has been applied to mummies and a variety of other archeological artifacts, as well as to fossils. Because X rays pick up the presence of metals, they have worked well on medieval manuscripts, whose ink contains iron. To dramatize what might be possible, Seales had made his own scroll, using a fresh sheet of papyrus on which he had written symbols with iron-gall ink, and which he then rolled up three times. He scanned it, and the result was an arresting simulation of images that depicted the scroll unrolling and the symbols showing clearly on the surface.

But no one had ever done a 3-D scan on an ancient Herculaneum papyrus scroll before. “And I’m this naïve American,” Seales told me. “I think all I have to do is ask if I can scan one and they’ll say yes.” The National Library in Naples, where the vast majority of the scrolls are kept, eventually rejected his proposal.

After the talk, Delattre introduced himself to Seales, and explained that there were six scrolls in Paris. Seales had not known about them. “Mais oui,” Delattre said. And he, Daniel Delattre, was the primary scholar.

Daniel Delattre learned Latin by the age of eleven and ancient Greek a few years after that.“Those were the two subjects I preferred,” he told me. He met his wife, Joëlle Delattre-Biencourt, in high school, and they fell in love with antiquity and with each other. After attending the University of Lille, Delattre taught high-school classics and began working on his doctoral thesis, on the theology of Epicurus, who is best known for the doctrine that the goal of life is pleasure.

Epicurus also posited that the world is made of atoms—the atomos (indivisible) elements of matter. “Epicurus says we are in an atomistic system,” Delattre explained. “Everything that occurs is the result of the atoms colliding, rebounding, and becoming entangled with one another, with no purpose or plan behind their motions.” For Delattre, Epicureanism encompasses physics and ethics, a complete world view that he both studies and emulates. As he gets older, he told me, he finds it comforting to think that “when we die there is a dissolution of the aggregate, and the atoms come together to make a new thing. And so we have nothing to fear from death; there is no punishment, no Hell—we simply cease to exist.” There are gods, “but they are very quiet and very happy and don’t interfere with human activities.” Epicurus influenced the first-century-B.C. Roman poet and philosopher Lucretius, who wrote “On the Nature of Things,” the epic poem that was rediscovered in a monastic library in 1417 by Poggio Bracciolini, a find that Stephen Greenblatt, in his 2011 Pulitzer Prize-winning book, “The Swerve: How the World Became Modern,” credits as being a founding document of the Renaissance.

Not a single one of Epicurus’ philosophical texts has survived; aside from a few fragments, his only preserved words come from two collections of sayings and three letters known only from secondary sources. One letter, as reproduced by Diogenes Laertius, an early biographer of the Greek philosophers, reads, “I have written this letter to you on a happy day to me, which is also the last day of my life. For I have been attacked by a painful inability to urinate, and also dysentery, so violent that nothing can be added to the violence of my sufferings. But the cheerfulness of my mind, which comes from the recollection of all my philosophical contemplation, counterbalances all these afflictions.”

Delattre didn’t plan to become a papyrologist, but one of the Philodemus scrolls unwrapped by Father Piaggio in the eighteenth century was on the subject of Epicurus and the gods, and he wanted to read it. He went to the National Library in Naples. “When I saw the opened sheets of carbonized papyrus for the first time, it was very impressive. For me, the writing was very vivid. I felt I was in direct contact with that time. And when I read the name Plato for the first time in the text it made me very emotional. I became a papyrologist at that moment.”

Papyrology is a study that combines aspects of textual scholarship, philology, and archeology. It requires Olympian patience to find letters and words amid such badly damaged material, and immense learning to divine the meaning within. It’s unusual to get three words in a row without lacunae. Compounding the difficulty is the fact that scribes wrote Greek without spaces between words. A single line can easily take six months to decipher. Sometimes educated guesses about missing bits are wrong, causing the reader to arrive at different meanings from what was intended. One of the revelations following the Brigham Young MSI studies was how wrong many of the earlier readings of the scrolls were. Some editors were essentially making up their own texts.

“Papyrologists are a special breed,” Anthony Grafton, a professor of Renaissance and Reformation history at Princeton, says. “They work with really badly damaged manuscripts. But they live with the promise of finding something really new—which is very rare in most classical scholarship.” There, marginalia is the only hope.

Delattre spent a year in the National Library, where, in addition to his thesis research, he started working on a new edition of part of Philodemus’ “On Music, Book 4,” the first of the scrolls opened with Piaggio’s machine. That was in 1985. He finished two decades later. Along the way, he made a stunning discovery: previous editions of “On Music” had the sequence of some of the detached leaves of the scroll backward. Delattre’s edition, published in 2007, corrected the problem and has caused papyrologists to reëvaluate the entire Philodemus canon. Richard Janko, in a review in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, called it “pioneering work of the first order.”

Delattre became the official editor of the six scrolls in the Institut de France in 2003, a year after the two damaged scrolls returned from Naples. Working at the Sorbonne and at the Institut de France, he has been preparing an edition of one of them, assisted by various students and colleagues; his wife, a retired philosophy professor, is also part of the team. Delattre has been trying to figure out the correct order of the pieces, read them, and publish an edition before he dies, a goal that he says is impossible, because the project “takes an infinite time. Our human scale is not the scale of the scrolls.” He is far enough along in the book to be sure that it is yet another work by Philodemus: “On Slander.”

In the course of obtaining permission to scan the Paris scrolls, Seales had to give a presentation, in French, to the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, an academy within the Institut de France. “I just wanted to run and hide before that talk, I was so nervous,” he said. His request was approved. In 2009, with a grant from the National Science Foundation, Seales had a portable CT scanner brought to the institute, and he spent four weeks scanning two unopened scrolls.

In the resulting images, the folds in the papyrus look cellular, almost biological. Here and there, grains of sand, perhaps trapped in the scrolls when a sandy bather had finished reading, are clearly visible. Seales proposed using these as orientation points for navigating within the labyrinthine volumes.

But the CT scans did not show any letters. There was lead in the ink, but only trace amounts. Though the ink did contain carbon, it did not stand out against the carbon in the blackened papyrus. Seales said, “We hoped that we could look for calcium or other trace compounds in the ink that might help us tease out the writing, but that didn’t work out.”

In 2010, at a digital-restoration conference in Helsinki, Seales met Uwe Bergmann, a physicist at Stanford. Seales was familiar with Bergmann’s work on the Archimedes Palimpsest. In the early nineteen-hundreds, scholars had discovered that two lost works of Archimedes, the third-century-B.C. Greek mathematician and inventor, lay beneath a medieval religious text; a third work, which was also found, had survived in Latin translation. The palimpsest was probably made in Jerusalem, in the thirteenth century. Parchment was in short supply there, and a scribe had scraped away at a tenth-century copy and written over it. Using MSI, researchers could see the titles—“Stomachion,” “The Method of Mechanical Theorems,” and “On Floating Bodies”—but they couldn’t decipher all of the text beyond what was visible to the naked eye.*

When Bergmann read about the palimpsest, in an article in GEO that his mother had given him, he immediately thought of employing a synchrotron, a type of particle accelerator—a machine that uses magnets and microwaves to move subatomic particles at almost the speed of light. Some accelerators are linear, others are ring-shaped; Stanford has both kinds. In a synchrotron, the particles’ trajectory is altered to produce powerful X rays, which can be focussed into a beam about the width of a strand of hair. With this beam, it is possible to produce images of molecular structure; the synchrotron has become an immensely useful tool for the drug and electronics industries in developing and studying new compounds.

The beam can be “tuned” to look for particular elements. “The article said that the ink the scribes had used contained iron,” Bergmann said. “That’s one thing we do at the Stanford synchrotron. We measure iron and other metals in proteins—extremely small concentrations of iron.”

Once he obtained access to the palimpsest, Bergmann used X-ray fluorescence imaging, or XRF, in the synchrotron to get pictures of the iron-based molecules in the ink. Unlike MSI, XRF is sensitive to individual elements. Different elements emit characteristic wavelengths of light when the X rays hit them; by zeroing in on iron, Bergmann was able to see the letters. “What had been invisible for centuries was made, right before our eyes, visible,” he said, in an interview published by the Department of Energy. “Line by line, Archimedes’ original writings began to come to life, literally glowing on our screens. It was the most amazing thing.”

At the Helsinki conference, Seales pointed out to Bergmann that XRF wouldn’t work on the unopened scrolls, because it doesn’t penetrate deep enough; it would scan only the outer layers. “And Uwe didn’t bat an eye,” Seales told me. “He said, ‘Phase contrast, man.’ ”

Courtesy Owner of the Archimedes Palimpsest

Phase contrast, or XPCT, is another microscopic-imaging tool made possible by synchrotrons. Because XPCT can penetrate surfaces much more deeply, it is used to measure density. A detector behind the sample being imaged captures the changing intensity of the beam as it passes through different atomic densities, which would allow the scroll researchers to map the indentations left by the stroke of the pen.

Bergmann and Seales were considering using Stanford’s synchrotron, but the Institut de France would not allow the scrolls to leave the country. There was a synchrotron just outside Paris, but “beam time” there cost about twenty-five thousand dollars a day, and Seales was unable to get a grant to pay for it.

By now, seeing inside an unopened scroll had become something of a quest for Seales. “We’ll read the scrolls,” he told me in an e-mail. “It’s been ten years and look at all we have achieved. From impossible to plausible, even probable. From the wreck of Herculaneum lore, we’ve created a body of systematic, scientific work.” It was only a question of getting the beam time.

Then comes the swerve—a central concept in Epicurean physics. If all matter is made of atoms, and if atoms move through the void according to their own fixed laws, then everything that happens to us is predestined. But, Delattre explained, “There would be no freedom, and for Epicurus we are free, so he wanted to introduce the possibility of this slight deviation.” Sometimes the atoms swerve slightly out of their natural trajectory, causing unplanned collisions with unpredictable consequences—not unlike what particles actually do in a synchrotron. (The particle accelerator is an Epicurean invention.) “Lucretius calls this the clinamen, which means ‘deviation’ in Latin—the atoms’ tendency to change direction slightly,” Delattre added. On a vast scale, this creates an inherently unpredictable universe in which man freely chooses his own path.

The swerve in Seales’s plans was Vito Mocella, a physicist at the Institute for Microelectronics and Microsystems, in Naples, who also happened to be interested in the scrolls. In 2007, he was on a family holiday in Capri at the same time that a conference of Herculaneum papyrologists was being held at his hotel. He overheard one of them talking about the problems with reading the scrolls and, he told me, he thought of phase contrast, which he uses regularly in his work on new drug compounds. “I thought that would perhaps solve the problem,” he said.

Mocella is a native Neapolitan; he looks a bit like John Lennon might have if he’d had an Italian wife who kept him well fed. He remembers seeing the scrolls for the first time in the National Library when he was ten. “I thought it was strange that the Piaggio Machine was still the best method of opening the scrolls,” he told me. “That machine was two hundred years old!”

Mocella had no problem getting beam time in a synchrotron. An old friend from his graduate-school days, Claudio Ferrero, was the head of the Data Analysis Unit at the European Synchrotron Radiation Facility, in Grenoble. Ferrero thought that he could get the E.S.R.F. to donate some beam time if Mocella could get his hands on a scroll. Ferrero described the amazing results that paleontologists were getting with fossilized eggs—the X-rays showed the shape and the density of the embryos inside. He thought that phase contrast might be able to pick up the writing. Papyrus is nonabsorbent, so the ink is slightly raised on the surface.

Mocella inquired at the National Library in Naples about the possibility of putting a scroll inside the synchrotron at Grenoble, and was told that it was out of the question. On learning of the scrolls at the Institut de France, he contacted Delattre in the summer of 2013, and secured his help in getting the institute to agree to lend one scroll and fragments of one of the damaged ones. Late that fall, Delattre brought two fragments and a complete scroll, packed in a cylindrical foam case that Seales had designed for the CT scans, to Grenoble on the T.G.V. train from Paris. Seales, however, would not be travelling there with him.

The E.S.R.F. is situated in an expansive research park, just above the confluence of two rivers, the Isère and the Drac, at the northern end of Grenoble, the small, mountain-ringed city that was the site of the 1968 Winter Olympics. The accelerator there is a ring, a kilometre in circumference. It is densely packed with “hutches,” where the experiments take place. Inside each hutch is an experiment room, where the beam collides with the sample, and a control room, where the scientists monitor the resulting scan on computers. The whole accelerator is enclosed in its own building, with grounds surrounding it and a guesthouse for visiting scientists.

Delattre, as the conservator, was responsible for handling the fragments and the scroll, which had to be scanned individually. In the experiment room, he mounted each piece, one at a time, in a sample holder, where the beam would strike it. The two fragments were tilted; the scroll was placed vertically. Then he joined Mocella, Emmanuel Brun, a French physicist also with the E.S.R.F., and Ferrero in the control room and started the experiment. The sample was exposed to the beam. By turns, the beam passed through the two fragments and the scroll and its many layers, and struck the detector behind, which recorded the information about contrast densities. The beam is invisible, and exposure to it is dangerous; the researchers had to remain in the control room during the scans, which generally lasted for a few hours. The sample holder rapidly rotated the scroll and the fragments in microfractions of three hundred and sixty degrees as the beam flashed. Because the beam is so small, millions of exposures are needed to get a 3-D picture of a scroll. Although the letters are only two or three millimetres high, hundreds of scans are required to get enough information to make out a single letter.

The team waited nervously while the machines compiled the results. (Rendering the scans into images takes tremendous computer power.) On the second day, they began to see images. At first, the landscape looked bleak, barren of readable surfaces. The carbon in the crosshatched papyrus fibres (the sheets were made by pressing two pieces of papyrus together) stood out as dark streaks. But later that day the team had “an impression,” as Mocella puts it, of letters in one spot on the intact scroll, on an exposed edge about two-thirds of the way in. After two weeks of work, Delattre confirmed the impression. Altogether, the team found writing scattered throughout the scroll, and in one fragment they found a series of letters next to each other—pi, iota, pi, tau, omicron, iota—which means “would fall.”

The article in which the team reported their findings, “Revealing Letters in Rolled Herculaneum Papyri by X-Ray Phase-Contrast Imaging,” published in Nature Communications, in January, 2015, brought almost as much attention to the scrolls as had Paderni’s letter to Mead. As proof that the concept of virtual unwrapping could work, it was a milestone. “It’s the first hope of real progress we’ve had in a long time,” David Sider, of N.Y.U., told me. But, so far, the rate at which the team is reading the text makes Piaggio’s machine seem positively to hum by comparison.

More than three-quarters of the Villa dei Papiri has never been excavated at all. It wasn’t until the nineteen-nineties that archeologists realized that there are two lower floors—a vast potential warehouse of artistic treasures, awaiting discovery. A dream held by papyrologists and amateur Herculaneum enthusiasts alike is that the Bourbon tunnellers did not find the main library, that they found only an antechamber containing Philodemus’ works. The mother lode of missing masterpieces may still be there somewhere, tantalizingly close.

Mocella accompanied me on my visit to the Villa dei Papiri. Giuseppe Farella, who works for the Soprintendenza, the regional archeological agency, which oversees the site, took us inside the locked gates and led us into some of the old tunnels made by the Bourbon cavamonti in the seventeen-fifties. We used the lights on our phones to guide us through a smooth, low passageway. An occasional face emerged from the faint wall frescoes. Then we came to the end.

“Just beyond is the library,” Farella assured us, the room where Philodemus’ books were found. Presumably, the main library, if one exists, would be near that, within easy reach.

But for the foreseeable future there will be no more excavations of the villa or the town. Politically, the age of excavation ended in the nineties. Leslie Rainer, a wall-painting conservator and a senior project specialist with the Getty Conservation Institute, who met me in the Casa del Bicentenario, one of the best-preserved structures in Herculaneum, said, “I am not sure excavations will ever be opened again. Not in our lifetime.” She pointed to the paintings on the walls, which the G.C.I.’s team is in the process of recording digitally. The colors, originally vibrant yellows, had turned red as a result of the heat from the volcano’s eruption. Since being uncovered, the painted architectural details have been deteriorating—the paint is flaking and powdering from exposure to the fluctuating temperature and humidity. Rainer’s project analyzes how this happens.

Richard Janko, of the University of Michigan, argues that books are a special case, archeologically, and should be excavated regardless. “Books are a different kind of artifact,” he said. “You can gain knowledge of a whole way of life through a single book. They are designed to carry information across the centuries.” If we wait until the volcano erupts again, he warns, they could be lost forever. Vesuvius, which has erupted scores of times since A.D. 79 and is still one of the most dangerous volcanoes on earth, has been quiet since 1944.

Brent Seales, denied the scientific glory of being the first to see inside the rolled scrolls, has been focussing on the software side of the problem. If large portions of wrapped scrolls are ever going to be read virtually, the process will have to be automated. You’d need a scroll reader that skims along the surface of each successive fold, looking for characteristic shapes and densities of letters. Seales has been designing a prototype for such software, and he showed it to Delattre recently. “Impressive” was the Frenchman’s opinion. Janko thinks that “clearly the way forward from here is to combine the work Seales is doing with Mocella’s data.”

Such a convergence seemed poised to occur this spring, when Seales, Delattre, and Mocella were set to meet in Grenoble, for another synchrotron session: the software engineer, the papyrologist, the physicist, and a whole week of beam time. (Seales still wasn’t part of the team, but he was coming anyway, to present his virtual-unwrapping software.) At the last minute, though, the team didn’t get the scroll. Only days before the experiment was set to begin, the Institut de France indicated that it could not grant Mocella’s request. No official reason was offered, but the recent publicity about the virtual unwrapping was thought to have caused the institute to reëvaluate the scrolls in terms of intellectual property. Controlling access to the scrolls has always been a form of power.

The institute’s decision was a blow to Delattre. When I saw him not long afterward, in the institute’s library, he still seemed shaken.

While the box containing Objet Un was open, I asked Delattre whether he thought the scroll would ever be virtually unwrapped. He considered the question while gazing at the black, shrivelled lump of carbon. On the one hand, it was just an old burned-up word turd left behind by a minor Greek poet and unoriginal thinker. But, on the other hand, it was an invisible stream through which knowledge and pleasure and advancement flowed—if only you could get the access.

“I do not expect this scroll will be read during my lifetime,” Delattre said, finally. He closed the lid of the small box with both hands, his shoulders slumped in defeat. ♦

*An earlier version of this article incorrectly implied that much of the Archimedes Palimpsest could not be read using MSI.

Kierkegaard on Escaping the Cult of Busyness

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A 2016 article in the Journal of Consumer Research argues that busyness has become a status symbol.  In earlier societies, such as the 19th century Thorstein Veblen describes in his Theory of the Leisure Class, the wealthy conspicuously avoided work. They saw idleness as an ideal.  By contrast, contemporary Americans praise being overworked. They see busy individuals as possessing rare and desirable characteristics, such as competence and ambition. 

To respond philosophically to our new overworked overlords and status icons, we need only return to the 19th century Danish philosopher Søren Kierkegaard. Kierkegaard is known for his philosophical account of boredom, which is often associated with idleness. If busyness is the opposite of idleness, perhaps he can diagnose busyness also. 

Kierkegaard’s work emphasizes indeterminate experiences—experiences that are not about some particular object or thing. Kierkegaard’s discussion of anxiety is perhaps the best known example of this sort of experience. For him, anxiety is always about the indeterminacy of future possibilities. It is not worrying about some specific thing, such as embarrassing oneself on the first day of school. 

A comic by the artist Sarah Andersen helps capture Kierkegaard’s point. The comic depicts a conversation between a person and their brain, which tells the person that they are anxious. The person repeatedly asks the brain “Why?” The brain’s only answer is “Because.”  Anxiety is not about some particular thing, so it is impossible to point to some specific source of anxiety. With this feature of Kierkegaard’s philosophy in hand, we can now consider his understanding of boredom and busyness.

___

"The busy person sows and harvests and rests upon these gains. But what is the purpose of this rest? Only to begin once more...nothing is gained by the cycle other than rest from the labor it requires."

___

For Kierkegaard, boredom is indeterminate. A person is not bored by some particular experience.  Instead, they are bored by their inability to pay attention to and glean meaning from those experiences. Thus, as Kierkegaard writes under a pseudonym in Either/Or, “Boredom rests upon the nothing that interlaces existence.” The solution to boredom that Kierkegaard’s pseudonymous author proposes is a method called “rotation of crops.” This method involves changing the way one approaches experiences by approaching them as occasions for imaginative reflection rather than as those experiences are. For example, someone might choose to be entertained by the monotonous sound of water dripping from a roof. 

Some readers of Kierkegaard think that the above solution to boredom is akin to mindfulness training.  Others think that Kierkegaard proposes this solution pseudonymously in order to reject it. Our purpose here is not to enter into that debate (although one of us has done so elsewhere). Instead, we think that Kierkegaard’s discussion of boredom is key for understanding his view of busyness. 

In his Works of Love, arguably his greatest ethical text, Kierkegaard uses an agricultural metaphor to describe busyness:

''…the busy people sow and harvest and again sow and harvest (busyness harvests over and over again), […] the busy people store the barns full of what they harvested and rest upon their gains—alas, […] the person who truly wills the good in the same span of time does not see even the smallest fruit of his labors and he becomes the object of ridicule as someone who does not know how to sow, as someone who labors in vain and is merely shadowboxing…''

This passage can be read in light of Kierkegaard’s account of boredom. Like the bored person who rotates their crops, the busy person is described by way of an agricultural metaphor: sowing and harvesting and sowing again. And the bored person and busy person’s similarities do not stop there. The busy person is also experiencing something indeterminate, and is, like the bored person, worse off for doing so. 

For Kierkegaard, busy people are experiencing something indeterminate because their activities are not directed towards some particular good. The busy person may seem busy with some specific activity. In the case of the agricultural example in the passage above, the busy person appears busy with sowing and harvesting. The busy person sows and harvests and rests upon these gains. But what is the purpose of this rest? Only to begin once more, for “busyness harvests over and over again.” There is nothing gained by the cycle other than rest from the labor it requires. Since there is nothing definite gained by this busyness, we can characterize it as involving something indefinite—just like anxiety and boredom. 

We can compare our agricultural account of busyness with Kierkegaard's pseudonymous author’s oft-quoted criticism of busyness from Either/Or:

''The most ludicrous of all ludicrous things, it seems to me, is to be busy in the world, to be a man who is brisk at his meals and brisk at his work[…]What, after all, do these busy bustlers achieve?  Are they not just like that woman who, in a flurry because the house was on fire, rescued the fire tongs?  What more, after all, do they salvage from life’s huge conflagration?''

Here Kierkegaard criticizes busy people for not achieving anything meaningful with their labor.  Something similar is true of the busy people who sow and harvest only to sow and harvest once more. They are defined by their busyness rather than by the things that they are busy doing.

We have seen that both boredom and busyness are directed to experiences of indeterminacy, and that both can be harmful for those who experience them. Besides searching for new and different status symbols, how then might we respond to these phenomena? One response might be to adapt the rotation of crops for busyness. Perhaps someone might busy themself with multiple sorts of things rather than just cycling between labor and rest. 

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"Pursuing particular goods might provide us with the specificity we need to escape indeterminacy and the phenomena like anxiety, boredom, and busyness that accompany it."

___

In light of Kierkegaard’s discussion of busyness from Works of Love, the rotation of crops may not appear to be an attractive strategy. Crop rotation requires constantly seeing the actual world as an occasion for imagination. It thus requires a retreat from the actual world.  Kierkegaard's pseudonymous author cautions the crop rotator to vigilantly avoid friendship, marriage, public office, and everything that would prevent them from constantly varying themselves. Crop rotation in this sense thus requires constant activity, and it is incompatible with meaningful, enduring commitments. If this is the case, this “aesthetic” solution to boredom found advanced by Kierkegaard’s pseudonymous author may merely be another form of busyness. 

How then might people escape busyness? Kierkegaard’s discussion of busyness in Works of Love may provide a clue. By contrast with the busy people who harvest repeatedly, the person who wills the good has no immediate gains to rest on. Their action—unlike that of the busy people—is in pursuit of something meaningful, even though they receive no apparent reward for it. However, there may be other benefits.  As recent psychological research also suggests, helping others can result in helping oneself. Pursuing particular goods—like striving to help the particular people you see, as Kierkegaard recommends elsewhere in Works of Love—might thus provide us with the specificity we need to escape indeterminacy and the phenomena like anxiety, boredom, and busyness that accompany it. 

Bring Your Custom Image to DigitalOcean

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 Blog

Creating and controlling the Linux distributions that your application runs on can be an important method of optimizing application performance and, in some cases, is an absolute requirement. Custom images are Linux distributions that have been modified to fit the specific needs of the developer, and with our new Custom Image feature, you can benefit from the scale of DigitalOcean while using your own custom environment.

This feature is a popular request from users, and we’re happy to make it available now. In this guide, we will discuss some basics of importing a custom image and address some frequently asked questions.

Custom Images at a Glance

Pricing

Importing custom images is free, as you are only charged for the storage of your image at $0.05/GB per month. To save money, you can easily import your image, start a Droplet from your image, and delete the image so you don’t incur any storage costs.

Which images are supported?

Any Linux OS that supports ext3/4 file systems and has cloudinit 0.7.7, cloudbase-init, coreos-cloudinit, ignition, or bsd-cloudinit installed should work with the import tool. Currently, ISO files are planned to be supported towards the end of 2018. If you would like to upload an ISO file, we suggest first booting the ISO into your VirtualBox (or your favorite virtualization tool) to generate a supported file type, and then importing that file into our Custom Image tool.

Importing an image to DigitalOcean

Before we review the options for uploading a custom image, please make sure the image file format is one of the following: raw, qcow2, vhdx, vdi, or vmdk file. To save on space, you can also compress the file using both gzip and BZip2 compression formats. Once you have your image in the proper format, you can import an image through the Control Panel as follows:

After logging into cloud.digitalocean.com, you can click on Images on the left of the screen and then click on “Custom Images”

From there, you can either drag/drop your image file, select the file in your local environment, or upload via URL. Note that browsers will limit the upload file size, so if your image is over 3GB, you may not be able to upload your file directly from the Control Panel.

If your image is too large to be uploaded through a web browser, you can also upload to our Spaces Object storage service using the S3-compatible Spaces API, and then point the custom images features to the URL of your uploaded image. When uploading via URL, make sure that the URL ends in a file name, such as www.digitalocean.com/image.raw as opposed to a masked URL such as www.digitalocean.com/image.raw?example as we check the file name before uploading.

Once the image is uploaded into DigitalOcean, we process the image and prepare it to start as a Droplet. You can start a Droplet directly from the Custom Images area above, or through the Create dropdown on the top right of the screen. We’ve made it easy to keep track of your images with the option to tag images as well as adding notes to each image.

If you are interested in or use infrastructure automation tools, you can leverage the DigitalOcean API endpoint for Custom Images to start a Droplet from your custom image.

Next steps

In the following months we will continue to expand on this feature to allow for greater flexibility with the API as well as support for ISO images. If there are any specific features that you would like to see relating to importing custom images, please add your thoughts in our User Voice forum.

Keith Gonzales,
Product Manager


The Meaning of “Aquemini”

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Before the era of Southern rap dominance. Before Ludacris and T.I. and Lil Jon became household names. Before the Migos and Young Jeezy. Before Atlanta became the hub of hip-hop, there were the Source Awards.

The second annual Source Awards took place on Aug. 3, 1995, and gave hip-hop one of its most iconic nights. The raucous night in New York is most known for the arrival of the “East Coast vs. West Coast beef” between Sean “Puff Daddy” Combs’ Bad Boy label and Suge Knight’s Death Row imprint. At one moment, Snoop Dogg is on stage yelling about how the West Coast is (mis)treated in New York, and at another, Knight is poking fun at Combs’ penchant for dancing in his artists’ videos. But there was another, less publicized (at the time) moment that would also reverberate within the culture just as much.

Andre 3000, real name Andre Benjamin, and Big Boi, real name Antwan Patton, two Atlanta rappers known as Outkast, took the stage to accept the award for best new artist, duo. Outkast was a relative unknown at the time on a national stage, five years before 2003’s diamond Speakerboxxx/The Love Below garnered the duo the Grammy for album of the year. In 1995, they were met with a deafening chorus of boos from a Big Apple crowd that wanted its hometown artists to win all of the awards. The two MCs clapped for themselves. Then Andre 3000 took the stage and defiantly yelled six words into the microphone that would change the course of American pop culture forever:

“The South got something to say.”

Outkast album cover for Aquemini.

Courtesy Sony Music

Three years later, Outkast released its third studio album, Aquemini. The last thing listeners hear on the project is a clip from that Source Awards moment and Andre 3000’s unforgettable words. They function, as they did at the Source Awards, as an “I told you so,” mixed with “F you.”

The move was an audio version of Stephen Curry turning around and celebrating before his 3-pointer goes in. Serena Williams combating a racist dress code policy by crushing opponents while wearing a tutu. Muhammad Ali bombastically predicting the round in which he’d knock out his opponents. Outkast called its shot from the stage and then gave us 16 of the best songs rap has ever heard. Aquemini, celebrating its 20th anniversary, is a blessing of an album that stands tall among the best bodies of work music has ever seen. It rests at the pinnacle of creativity, execution and emotion.

Maybe it’s hard to compare music across genres. Maybe rap is too young and unpolished in too many people’s eyes to enter the discussions reserved for the classics from artists such as Stevie Wonder and Prince. Well, forget that. Aquemini is my Songs in the Key of Life. It’s my Purple Rain. It’s my Thriller. It’s about time we talk about hip-hop albums in the pantheon of overall musical excellence, and there’s no better place to start than an album wise beyond the ages of two MCs barely old enough to drink at the time the album was recorded.

What Aquemini did for us in the South, for an entire American region, can’t be understated.

Named after a merge of Big Boi’s Aquarius and Andre 3000’s Gemini signs, Aquemini is a gumbo of soul, funk and trap music before it was called trap music. It’s filled with elite-level lyricism. There’s the jaw-cracking intro “Return Of The ‘G’” in which the tandem rips critics of their unconventional sartorial and musical styles. There are the guitar riffs on the Southern rock “Chonkyfire” and the P-Funk homage “Synthesizer” (featuring George Clinton himself), about the future of plastic surgery. Aquemini is a boundless piece of artistry.

“We never want to be just straight local,” Andre 3000 told Rolling Stone a month after the album’s release. “When we started making music, we wanted to get everybody on the planet to hear it. We reflect emotion, not ‘just what’s happening on your street.’ ”

However, despite the universal appeal of the double-platinum Aquemini, the album manages to keep its toes tickling the rising tide of Georgia’s Chattahoochee River. The lead single, “Rosa Parks,” melds hip-hop with the black church aesthetic of tambourines and choirs. It’s an ode to the Atlanta that raised Outkast. “West Savannah” and “Slump” are grimy, horn- and bass-filled tracks reminiscent of Outkast’s 1994 debut, Southernplayalisticadillacmuzik. Then there’s the actual rapping. Andre 3000 and Big Boi are elbow-deep in their bags for the whole album. Their voices and cadences complement each other like fried catfish and day-old spaghetti. Andre 3000’s flow tumbles across the beats like a rock skipping over a pond. Big Boi’s flow is as smooth and natural as the ripple left behind.

But it’s not just their flows. It’s substance that makes Aquemini sing. One constant theme in the album is the debilitating effects of mass incarceration on the black community. The subject haunts verses throughout the album, much like it has done to the American black population. In 1998, black Americans were knee-deep in a Clintonian three-strikes policy that was putting black men and women in prison for life for their third (even) nonviolent offenses. The policy ravaged black communities. Between 1984 and 1998, the number of people jailed in America grew threefold.

Aquemini is my Songs in the Key of Life. It’s my Purple Rain. It’s my Thriller.

Andre 3000 and Big Boi both allude to three strikes in their album. On “Slump,” Big Boi raps, Continue to sell dope / It’s payin’ the bills so you gon’ do it / But legislation got this new policy / Three strikes and you’re ruined. On “Y’all Scared,” Andre 3000 rhymes, At age 15 started smoking Billy Clint … but what’s sad is that crack / Was introduced to Hispanic communities and blacks / But then it spread to white and got everyone’s undivided attention. And even though “Synthesizer” is largely about the future impact of technology on black folks, Andre 3000 takes a minute to rap, Marijuana illegal but cigarettes cool / I might look kinda funny but ain’t no fool.

I can tell you that “Liberation” feels like an eight-minute holy ghost. I can tell you that there will never be another song like it.

The social commentary goes beyond mass incarceration, of course. “Da Art Of Storytellin’ Part 1” goes from Big Boi’s playful banter about a harmless hookup to Andre 3000’s tragic tale of Sasha Thumper: I asked her what she wanna be / She said ‘alive.’ The title track features Big Boi’s warning about the spoils of rap fame: Let yo paper stack / Instead of going overkill / Pay your f—ing beeper bill. Then Andre 3000 raps, Is every n—a with dreads for the cause / Nah / Is every n—a with gold for the fall? / Nah. So don’t get caught up in appearance— speaking to the criticism laid upon rappers by the respectability politics crowd who wanted them to pull their pants up and look presentable in order to achieve fame.

One especially beautiful aspect of Aquemini is how Outkast truly shows love and care for black folks while urging us to do better, especially in the ’90s era of respectability politics. When they veer into chiding black men who got enough to buy an ounce but not enough to bounce them kids to the zoo, they also bring up the American socioeconomic and criminal justice system thwarts black men even when they try their hardest: Can’t gamble feeding baby on that dope money / Might not always be sufficient but the / United Parcel Service and the people at the Post Office / Didn’t call you back because you had cloudy piss, Big Boi rhymes on “SpottieOttieDopaliscious,” one of the pivotal songs on the album.

It’s a testament to the transcendent musicality of Aquemini that the two best songs on the album feature no rapping at all. It’s part jazz, part Motown, and with horns that have been replicated in historically black college band performances across the country. There’s a smoky verse from Sleepy Brown (who has been singing hooks for Outkast since their very first single, “Player’s Ball”), and Big Boi and Andre 3000 trade unrhymed spoken word about the tribulations of being black in America. About how a party can turn into lives lost and love can turn into a lifetime of being stuck in a cycle of caring for a child and avoiding prison. So now you back in the trap / Just that / trapped, Big Boi says, popularizing a word and a mindset that would go on to define an entire subgenre of rap.

I can tell you about the brilliance of the once-in-a-lifetime union of CeeLo Green, Erykah Badu and Outkast singing about their definitions of freedom. I can tell you that “Liberation” feels like an eight-minute holy ghost. I can tell you that there will never be another song like it. “Liberation” played at my sister-in-law’s funeral while the slideshow of her life flashed on the big screen at the front of the church. As we cried, we hummed along. The quartet of geniuses encapsulated a life we didn’t want to say goodbye to — while helping us find a happiness we thought we wouldn’t find on that day. By the time the song was over, we knew Helena had found freedom. What Aquemini did for us in the South, for an entire American region, can’t be understated.

The idea of having pride in the South has for a long time generally been associated with whiteness. “Southern pride” conjures images of Confederate flags and a longing for a time when the states below the Mason-Dixon could own black people. But what about black Southerners? What do we have pride in? Growing up in Mississippi, I didn’t find any pride in my elementary school named after Jefferson Davis. I didn’t find pride in the Dixie flag fluttering above my head every time I drove through downtown Jackson.

But when Andre 3000 grabbed that mic at the Source Awards, he gave black kids a South to be proud of. They made us feel pride in a place that wasn’t made for us to feel happy in. That night in New York shifted the culture. Black kids had been wearing Timbs in hot Mississippi streets because they wanted to be like the Wu-Tang Clan. We thought that being like a New Yorker was the pinnacle of black culture, and that if we could make it out of the South, then we’d make futures for ourselves. But what Andre 3000 proclaimed that night, and what Outkast together declared on Aquemini, was that surviving and thriving in the South was its own victory.

Outkast showed us our reflections as seen in the shiny spokes of Volkswagens and Bonnevilles, Chevrolets and Coupe de Villes bouncing off Old National Highway potholes. They reminded us of the life we could find pride in. The Bayou Classics. The Essence Festivals. Music crafted with the same love and care that the Gullah use to weave a perfectly made handbasket. That perfect slap of a domino smacking the table to drown out the sound of stomachs growling waiting for the ribs to get off the grill.

Outkast called its shot from the stage and then gave us 16 of the best songs rap has ever heard.

While we were fighting for monuments of oppressive Southern pride to get torn down, Outkast was constructing a monument to the beauty in the ugliness around us. Aquemini was a love letter to home — a reminder that we were imperfect kings and queens in flip-flops and socks. Aquemini‘s promise was that, if we turned our love inward toward the place that raised us, then we’d see the beauty around us. Because excellence is only magnified by the obstacles overcome to get there. I say, to have a choice to be who you wants to be / It’s left up-a to me / And my momma n’em told me. That’s why Outkast including that Source clip at the end of the album is so powerful. They stuck the landing.

But the acclaim of the album goes beyond mere critical ratings. It’s no coincidence that the years following Aquemini would bring about an era of Southern dominance over hip-hop culture. And while the cultural shift changed the course of the national music scene, it also transformed Atlanta. The city of Atlanta, complete with a black woman as mayor and possibly a black woman governor on the way, embraces hip-hop as much as any other large city in the country. From T.I. and 2 Chainz with restaurants seemingly on every corner to Big Boi and Gucci Mane performing during halftime at Hawks games and even the Atlanta United soccer team embracing the likes of Waka Flocka to get the crowd hype. This is an Atlanta that understands the beauty of Southern culture. This is a country that sees the city and its blackness as a triumph worth emulating.

And we can thank two young MCs walking on stage amid a chorus of boos and declaring that those of us in the South have lives worth caring about — and a subsequent piece of legendary art that changed the game forever.

David Dennis, Jr. is a writer and adjunct professor of Journalism at Morehouse College. David’s writing has appeared in The Guardian, The Smoking Section, Uproxx, Playboy, The Atlantic, Complex.com and wherever people argue about things on the Internet.

Show HN: Monero Web Miner for Low-Tech Static Sites

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Toxic Swamp | After Dark
CryptoNote/Aeon Web Miner.
Latest Version

Webminer Mirror:git.habd.as/comfusion/webminerpool
Module Source:git.habd.as/comfusion/toxic-swamp

Earn rewards throughout the Web content lifecycle in one of more than 40 mining pools and take home over 200% more per hash when compared to Coinhive.

Demo

Installation

Choose a module download source:

Extract module contents into site themes directory:

├── static
└── themes
    ├── after-dark
    └── toxic-swamp

Specify module in site config:

6# Controls default theme and theme components7theme=[8"toxic-swamp",# sequence before "after-dark"9"after-dark"10]

Miner now functional. You'll need to run your own proxy during the beta.

Optionally, verify the module Release Hash:

cd themes/toxic-swamp &&\npm install && npm run integrity

Then generate your configuration to begin earning rewards:

Unless you specify a custom proxy you will begin mining in The Fire Swamp. Use Advanced Settings to set a custom proxy or come back later once you’ve survived the three terrors which lie ahead.

The Fire Swamp

After Dark provides a proxy called The Fire Swamp using MoneroOcean to help you get started and as a fallback when custom proxies fail to connect.

The proxy servers are located at fs*.habd.as:80 and will be used by default until you Create Your Own Proxy or fall more than two major versions behind.

WARNING: The Fire Swamp is filled with flame spurts, lightning sand, and rodents of unusual size (R.O.U.S.) so do use extreme caution, hmm?

To maximize your rewards while using the Fire Swamp proxy you must try to keep your After Dark version up-to-date as illustrated here:

Latest VersionYour VersionDeveloper Donation
7.0.07.0.0Deactivated
7.0.27.0.12.2%
7.1.07.0.213.6%
8.0.07.1.034.1%

To describe with examples:

  • If you’re currently using Latest Version and a bugfix, documentation update, refactoring or other change is released you will earn 2.2% less until you upgrade or create your own proxy.

  • If you’re currently using Latest Version and an enhancement is released you will earn 13.6% less until you upgrade or create your own proxy.

  • If you’re currently using Latest Version and a breaking change is released you will earn 34.1% less until you upgrade or create your own proxy.

Tip: After Dark uses Semantic Versioning and the latest version is shown on the NPM package registry and in JSON form here.
  • If you fall more than one point release behind any minor or patch you will not be penalized and the current developer donation will remain the same.

  • Finally, if you fall more than two major releases behind your miner may continue to function but you will no longer be eligible to earn additional rewards until you upgrade or create your own proxy.

Maximize your rewards using the Upgrade Script to regularly check for and automatically upgrade After Dark to the latest version as you wish.

Receiving Rewards

View accumulated rewards and check payment history anytime using the MoneroOcean Dashboard. See the MoneroOcean FAQ for more details.

Create Your Own Proxy

Follow the instructions in git.habd.as/comfusion/webminerpool to create your own proxy, regenerate your config and this will all soon be but a happy memory.


Apple Insiders Say Nobody Knows What’s Going on with Bloomberg's Hack Story

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Multiple senior Apple executives, speaking with BuzzFeed News on the condition of anonymity so that they could speak freely all denied and expressed confusion with a report earlier this week that the company’s servers had been compromised by a Chinese intelligence operation.

On Thursday morning, Bloomberg Businessweek published a bombshell investigation. The report — the result of more than a year of reporting and over 100 interviews with intelligence and company sources — alleged that Chinese spies compromised and infiltrated almost 30 U.S. companies including Apple and Amazon by embedding a tiny microchip inside company servers.

“We tried to figure out if there was anything, anything, that transpired that's even remotely close to this. We found nothing.” 

According to Bloomberg’s reporting, an attack of this caliber isn’t just elaborate but “the most significant supply chain attack known to have been carried out against American companies.” The security ramifications for the businesses (and consequently millions of Americans) are likely dizzying.

Both Amazon and Apple issued uncharacteristically strong and detailed denials of Bloomberg’s claims.

Reached by BuzzFeed News multiple Apple sources — three of them very senior executives who work on the security and legal teams — said that they are at a loss as to how to explain the allegations. These people described a massive, granular, and siloed investigation into not just the claims made in the story, but into unrelated incidents that might have inspired them.

“We tried to figure out if there was anything, anything, that transpired that's even remotely close to this,” a senior Apple security executive told BuzzFeed News. “We found nothing.”

A senior security engineer directly involved in Apple’s internal investigation described it as “endoscopic,” noting they had never seen a chip like the one described in the story, let alone found one. “I don’t know if something like this even exists,” this person said, noting that Apple was not provided with a malicious chip or motherboard to examine. "We were given nothing. No hardware. No chips. No emails."

Equally puzzling to Apple execs is the assertion that it was party to an FBI investigation — Bloomberg wrote that Apple “reported the incident to the FBI." A senior Apple legal official told BuzzFeed News the company had not contacted the FBI, nor had it been contacted by the FBI, the CIA, the NSA or any government agency in regards to the incidents described in the Bloomberg report. This person’s purview and responsibilities are of such a high level that it’s unlikely they would not have been aware of government outreach.

Reached for comment, Apple directed BuzzFeed News to its Thursday blog post.

Apple’s broad, categorical denial is essentially unprecedented in its detail. For example, when the Washington Post revealed the government's PRISM program in 2013, Apple, Google and Facebook all issued very precise denials noting that none gave government agencies "direct access to our servers." In this case, however, Apple’s statement leaves little room for interpretation or alternate explanations. Apple not only denies the direct claims about its involvement with the FBI, but goes further to deny that "anything like this" happened. It went on to state that "we are not under any kind of gag order or other confidentiality obligations."

Bloomberg’s defense of its story is equally forceful. On Friday, the publication stood by its reporting. "Bloomberg Businessweek's investigation is the result of more than a year of reporting, during which we conducted more than 100 interviews," a spokesperson told BuzzFeed News in response to a series of questions. "Seventeen individual sources, including government officials and insiders at the companies, confirmed the manipulation of hardware and other elements of the attacks. We also published three companies' full statements, as well as a statement from China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We stand by our story and are confident in our reporting and sources."

The result is an unusual stalemate that’s left onlookers baffled.

The story has clearly rattled Apple, a notoriously private company, and one that has long touted its strong commitment to privacy. Sources say the company’s infosec team is aghast at its allegations. “This did not happen,” a senior Apple security executive told BuzzFeed News. This person insisted, vehemently, that there is no dissembling in the company’s response, that it didn’t secretly remove compromised servers, or discover compromised servers during the acceptance process and stop short of deploying them. “We have literally seen nothing like this.”

Particularly vexing for Apple, say company sources, is the suggestion it might be lying to the public to protect national security interests. The company has said on record that it is under no gag order, but Congress has on occasion granted retroactive immunity to companies aiding U.S. intelligence efforts. However, a senior Apple legal official who spoke with BuzzFeed News said the company is bound by no confidentiality order or agreement. “We are not restrained in any way,” this executive said. Asked point blank if Apple is lying to the public in the interests of national security, this executive replied, "no."

For Apple, the investigation into the Bloomberg allegations appears to be over. Multiple sources tell BuzzFeed News that the company believes it’s done everything it can, pulled all the threads, talked to everyone and examined every corner of its business. It’s reached a what-else-can-we-do impasse.

What happens next isn’t exactly clear. Those with a vested interest — security professionals, government officials, and Amazon and Apple’s millions of customers — are left with questions that are currently unanswerable as Bloomberg and the subjects of its story continue to square off.

Orphan Utopia: John Ballou Newbrough’s Desert Colony (2017)

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Spring 2017

Reproduction of an undated painting by John Ballou Newbrough lost in a flood while in storage in El Paso, Texas. The complex iconography of the painting—said to be seventeen feet tall and ten feet wide—depicted a central tenet of Oahspe’s theology: that Christianity was founded when a powerful spirit usurped and distorted the teachings of the Jewish prophet Joshu/Jesus. Sometimes referred to as The Three Worlds, the painting depicts the three realms outlined in Oahspe—the work’s lower third, where the skeletons can be seen, depicts Corpor; the false God-Christ figure occupies the middle region, called Atmospherea; and the now-faded upper portion represents Etherea, the higher heavens. Thanks to Leslee Alexander for her assistance with the captions for this article.

When the angels appeared to John Ballou Newbrough early one morning in 1881, he was nothing if not well prepared. A dentist and Spiritualist, he had spent the last ten years purifying himself for supernatural contact by abstaining from meat, bathing twice a day, and rising before dawn. The visit was expected.


The angels wanted him to buy a typewriter, a newfangled device—Newbrough described typing as writing “by keys, like a piano” in a letter to the Boston Spiritualist journal The Banner of Light—that would allow him to transcribe their account of the world’s true spiritual history.1 He obeyed, and for the next fifty weeks the angels visited him in his New York City apartment every morning before sunrise, taking control of his hands in sessions that lasted exactly fifteen minutes. By the end, Newbrough had produced a nine-hundred page manuscript called Oahspe: a history of world religions that exposed their lies and elucidated their fundamental interconnections.2

The dictating angels were nothing if not thorough. To supplement the text, they provided Newbrough with images of religious leaders, which he painted in the dark. Among those reproduced in the 1891 edition of Oahspe are the austere, mustachioed Zarathustra, with a cherub grinning behind his left shoulder, and a serenely smiling Confucius, hair stroked by a ghostly figure while an enormous eye floats in the clouds above him. These luminaries appear alongside diagrams and illustrations, everything from language trees to astronomical models to illustrations of ancient temples. (Newbrough claimed to have copied them, according to the angels’ instructions, from technical books.)


The earliest known photo of Shalam Colony, ca. 1885. The handwritten captions along the bottom margin identify both structures in the camp—such as “octogon house” and the “temple,” which was likely the first building erected at the site—as well as natural landmarks including Robledo Peak, known at the time as Mount Venus. All images courtesy New Mexico State University Library.

Although Spiritualism was known and largely accepted in the New York of the time—séances were popular among the rich, and Newbrough had been hosting them in his apartment on West 34th Street for decades—some quarters received Oahspe with hostility. A “new bible” was a bit harder to reconcile with Christianity than simple communication with spirits, especially when that bible claimed that Jesus was actually a crafty angel named Looeamong who had tricked the other angels and minor deities into electing him chief divinity of the universe. A New York Times article from 1883 describes an interaction between Newbrough and a heckler at an early meeting introducing Oahspe:

Dr. Newbrough: You are out of order. We do not open discussion.

Mr. Lightburn: Do you wish the Old Bible to be thrown aside? If Christianity is not true I want to know what is.

Dr. Newbrough: You are out of order, Sir.

Mr. Lightburn: Of course I am. Everybody is. You had no right to make such announcements if you cannot substantiate them. Give me my hat.3

What most fascinated the newspapers, though, was Newbrough’s intention to found a colony. Oahspe enjoins its followers—called Faithists—to gather orphans and raise them to be independent, vegetarian, and spiritually pure, as preparation for leadership of a New World Order. The New York Times reported that “all that was asked of the members was that they should buy tracts of land in order that head-quarters might be established and people removed to them from the profanity of the world,” and at the time of the article’s publication, the search was already underway for a site in the southwestern desert.4 Shalam, as Newbrough ultimately named the colony, would be a religious community and a refuge for thousands of indigent babies, far from the corruption of cities. As they prepared to leave a year later, the New York Times reassessed the colonists’ aims: “[the Faithists] have given no intelligible idea of what they want or seek to accomplish.”5

• • •

Newbrough actually had a very clear sense of what he sought to accomplish. The bedrock of his venture was his concern for the destitute, a fixation with roots in his early life. Born in rural Ohio in 1828, he witnessed the health consequences of poverty while working as an assistant to a dentist in Cleveland during his high school years. After graduating, he attended medical school and finally became a dentist himself, moving to New York with the goal of tending to the oft-neglected dental problems of the urban poor. He then traveled the world, making a fortune in the California gold rush before traversing Europe and Asia. His journeys gave him a pronounced sense of poverty’s misery, and compounded his determination to do something about it.6

Newbrough’s obsession with babies (or babes, as he called them) has less obvious sources. But its ramifications are evident in every aspect of his new faith. The section of Oahspe that warns against theft focuses not on food or livestock but babies: “Now, behold, a certain rich man coveted his neighbors’ children, and he went about and captured many of them. And withal he was mighty above his neighbors, and none of them could regain their offspring.”7Oahspe also prohibits abortion, referring to aborted fetuses as babies “slain by their mothers and fathers.”8 Newbrough’s passion for babies was not limited to those in almshouses—it seems that he wanted as many as possible to come into being.


“I wish I were where ten thousand babies fenced me in on every side,” wrote Newbrough to a friend in 1883, the year before he arrived in New Mexico and established Shalam.9 In a subsequent letter, he describes the living conditions in orphanages that made his efforts to acquire babies for the colony so urgent:


We lost one little babe, which we brought away from the almshouse—though it was nearly dead when we received it . . . To me it is perfectly appalling how these little things are slaughtered in this city. We hope to save many, and to raise them up in the right way, so as to have a new race by and by.10

Surprisingly, Newbrough’s conception of a “new race” was free from the scientific racism then prevalent. At a time when eugenicist notions of racial purity were ascendant in American society, Newbrough took in all the babies he could get ahold of—baby boys and baby girls of any race and class. However, the number of babies he was able to bring to Shalam was not high. Few of the settlers entering the colony already had children, and bureaucratic hurdles made it hard for Newbrough to adopt.11 In a letter of 1883, Newbrough writes that “there is so much round about red tapism to be gone through in order to get a child out, that it dies by the time the permit is granted.”12 A Southwestern Farm and Orchard profile of Shalam written ten years after its establishment counts only twelve babies living there, “among them … a negro and at least one mulatto.”13 Before the colony’s demise, the Faithists also adopted a baby of Chinese descent.14 The children had one thing in common: all had been orphaned, and most were among the poorest of the poor. Such were the children that John Ballou Newbrough hoped would inherit the earth.


• • •

The search for a place to start the colony took some time. Newbrough looked in California, but his attempts to acquire land there fell through. Returning from an exploratory trip, he stopped in Las Cruces, New Mexico, and there found many acres of arid land available very cheaply. The colonists pitched their first tents in late October 1884.15

Shalam’s colonists knew almost nothing about farming, and their first months in Mesilla Valley were hard. Growing vegetables in the unirrigated desert was a monumental task, and the Faithists, who adhered to a vegetarian diet, suffered. There were no buildings on the land—the construction of dormitories, kitchens, and a school began a year later—and the villagers had to spend the first few months living in tents. But with the indispensable aid of villagers from Doña Ana, just south of the colony, Shalam ultimately built an irrigation system: sixteen miles of piping and a seventeen-thousand gallon reservoir.16 People from Doña Ana also taught the colonists how to cook beans and chilies, and worked on the commune when the Faithists were overwhelmed. Within a few years, Newbrough and his partner in the venture, Andrew Howland, were supervising a (mostly) self-sustaining commune.


But Shalam remained small, and so, despite a lack of emphasis on proselytizing, Newbrough and his wife began to travel the country on baby-collecting missions. In New Orleans, where they spent several months, the Newbroughs established a “receiving home” with the slogan “Children Wanted and No Questions Asked.” Other Faithists established similar homes in Kansas City, Chicago, and Philadelphia.17

The 1894 Farm and Orchard profile of the colony described the twelve children on the farm as “mostly about 8 years of age . . . fed entirely on vegetable food, with a liberal allowance of fruit and nuts. Their clothing consists of a little linen tunic, and they wear no hats or shoes. They receive a bath twice a day.”18 The adults, too, wore little: in “Shalam: Utopian Desert Paradise,” Ann Hufstedler writes that “Shalam was considered by some to be practically a nudist colony, as the men worked in the fields in white trousers, barefooted, bareheaded, and shirtless. Their long hair would naturally add to their unusual appearance. Howland was once arrested in El Paso, Texas, for indecent appearance.”19

Photos of Shalam’s infants published in the second edition of Oahspe, 1891. A number of the infants came from New Orleans, where Newbrough had opened a temporary “receiving station” to accept foundlings.

Although the commune’s children were raised in a highly ascetic environment, Farm and Orchard observed that they appeared healthy (“although not robust”), also remarking “one note-worthy fact about them. We have made several visits to the colony and never saw one of the children crying or looking unhappy. They are always running about at play and they are the most cheerfully obedient lot of children we ever came across.”20

• • •

Tensions abounded, however, among Shalam’s adults. Communal labor was difficult; irrigation ditches had to be dug, vegetables had to be harvested, and while members of the colony did not pay for room or board, they also received no wages—which made transitioning back into life outside an exceedingly difficult prospect.


Undated photograph depicting the ruins of Shalam’s Fraternum, a dormitory building for the colony’s adults. The mostly adobe structure contained more than forty rooms, including a kitchen and dining room, a library, and a laundry room, all built around a large central courtyard. As was the case with most buildings at Shalam, the front entrance to the Fraternum faced east.

In 1891, a man named Jesse M. Ellis claimed to have been deceived by the colony, and sued. His case made it to the New Mexico Supreme Court, which ruled in favor of Shalam. Justice A. A. Freeman’s decision is written in such florid prose that it has raised speculation that he was inebriated when he wrote it. He makes fun of both the plaintiff and Oahspe: 


The most that can be gathered from the declaration is that 
the defendants . . . had christened [their] newfound Vale of Tempe the “Land of Shalam:” had sent forth their siren notes, which, sweeter and more seductive than the music that led the intrepid Odysseus to the Isle of Calypso, reached the ears of the plaintiff at his far-off home in Georgia, and induced him to “consecrate his life and labors, and all his worldly effects,” etc., to the new gospel of Oahspe.22

Freeman proceeds to scrutinize one of the central stories in Oahspe (the book was entered as evidence) in which the world’s deities gather to elect a god to be worshipped above all others—essentially, their president. It’s quite an assembly: Buddha attends, as do Mars, Jove, and Shiva. Thirty-seven candidates vie for the position of supreme god, of whom only fifteen are listed. The names of the remaining twenty-two, the judge remarks, “are not given, and, therefore, there is nothing in the record to support the contention of the counsel that the list includes the names of Bob Ingersoll and Phoebe Coussins [sic].23 Supernatural deliberations continue for one year and five months, after which the exhausted deities let the lower angels make the decision—handy for Christ, or “Looeamong,” head of the lower angels. He is elected unanimously, which seems to have bothered Justice Freeman:


We think this part of the exhibit ought to have been excluded from the jury, because it is an attack in a collateral way on the title of this man Looeamong, who is not a party to this proceeding, showing that he had not only packed the convention (council) with his friends, but had surrounded the place of meeting with his hosts, ‘a thousand angels deep on every side,’ thus violating that principle of our laws which forbids the use of troops at the polls.24

• • •

Jesse Ellis may have been the first former member of Shalam to publicly express discontent with the colony, but the years after the verdict in his case were tumultuous. In 1891, Newbrough died in an influenza epidemic; Andrew Howland married his widow and assumed leadership.25 Howland created a sister colony called Levitica on the same tract as Shalam, consisting of twenty houses, each with their own acre of land, set aside for full families who wished to join the commune. But after many of the families in Levitica refused to do the work necessary for its upkeep, Howland dissolved it, chartering a train for the emigrants.26

Mooching was a problem that Shalam, like many other utopian communities, was unable to avoid. Though some were drawn to New Mexico by the opportunity to work in harmony with like-minded, determined individuals, others exploited the colony’s resources. And while Faithist boosters predicted that Shalam would eventually adopt two to three thousand babies, the number of children adopted never rose above twenty-eight.27 In a July 1970 article in the 
New Mexico Historical Review, Daniel Simundson suggests that the colony’s failure was mostly a consequence of insufficient human and financial capital: “Its labor force was inadequate. Newbrough’s band was largely comprised of romanticists and amateur metaphysicians who had little aptitude for physical labor. Finally, although the Oasphe[sic] bible had indicated that converts would be inevitable, they never appeared.”28 The lack of adequate labor force was then compounded by the loss of financial backing: over the course of his involvement with Shalam, Andrew Howland had sunk his entire fortune into colony upkeep and unprofitable agricultural ventures, and by 1900, he was reduced to selling cookies called “U-Like-Ums” door-to-door in the neighboring village of Doña Ana as a last-ditch attempt to support Shalam’s two dozen children.


The colony dissolved in 1901. Howland, who had put the deed to the colony in the name of the children, successfully sued to have it transferred back to his own name,29 and sent them off to foster homes and orphanages—a heartbreaking development for a group of children who had, by all accounts, had a loving upbringing.30 Shalam might have “failed,” but for seventeen years it provided twenty-eight orphans with a safe and happy home.


• • •

Shalam has left only traces in the Las Cruces of today. The colony’s former campus is now owned by farmers, and where there were once fields and houses and babes there are now acres of trees planted in straight rows. The dry and unforgiving land that once gave the Faithists so much trouble is now used entirely for pecan farming.


The colony’s most enduring legacy is religious, or ideological, rather than physical, and in fact the movement never died out. But its numbers have remained static. Unlike Mormons, for instance, Faithists do not aggressively proselytize, instead quietly waiting for people to join them of their own accord, or else sending out friendly pamphlets. After the dissolution of Shalam Colony, believers continued to pass the faith on to their children and the very occasional convert, and new communities were steadily established in locations ranging from Arizona to as far east as Massachusetts.


In the 1950s, a directory of religious organization listed a Faithist group called the Essenes of Kosmon operating a colony in Montrose, Colorado: “In May, 1954, the group included eight people, four men, two women, and two children. New members are desired. The requirement for membership is to know Oahspe and follow its teachings. A year of probationary residence is required before acceptance as a resident member.”31 Archived newsletters from the group indicate that its numbers never grew beyond ten.32 For a while, a Faithist named Virginia Howard operated a very small commune in Tiger, Georgia, but she passed away in 2010, and the colony with her. There have been no active colonies for several years.


• • •

The age of the frontier is over. In Wasted Lives, the philosopher Zygmunt Bauman writes that “the planet is full,” and that this “signals the disappearance of ‘no man’s lands,’ territories fit to be defined and/or treated as void of human habitation as well as devoid of sovereign administration—and thus open to (clamouring for!) colonization and settlement.”33 We are as a world now awake to the inhabited nature of most livable space. The world is devoid of perceptible voids, places where one might imagine starting with a blank slate because the place itself is understood as a blank slate.

But place was always incidental to Shalam Colony. Newbrough chose the New Mexican desert not because it had sacred significance (as was the case for Mormon settlers in Utah), but because it allowed the Faithists to establish a community removed from the dictates of the outside world. A provision in Oahspe instructs Faithists that when they erect buildings in their communities, they should never be built to last, because each generation should have the chance to build something new, with their own hands: “Man buildeth a house, and it perisheth. Succeeding generations must also build, otherwise the art of building would perish. Better the building perish, than the art of building.”34 The community, in any given iteration, is not supposed to last forever. What matters is that the ideas and the passions of the Faithists live on.


There are about twelve practicing Faithists remaining in the world, scattered from Japan to New Mexico to Massachusetts.35 They keep in touch electronically, holding weekly prayer meetings via Skype. The Internet is perhaps the closest thing to a frontier that exists today—a placeless space where our dreams of a better world can imprint themselves upon the endless, neutral network. Failing that, the next frontier is space. And on that score, Oahspe was ahead of its time. Although it was written in the late 1800s, the book dreams of spacecraft, of visitors from other worlds floating down to earth in “etherean ships.”36 Heaven’s reaches are boundless, and who knows what humanity might discover as it continues to traverse them: new planets, new stars, or benevolent new gods entirely concerned with children, with their health and well-being, and the opportunity for every one of them to flourish.

  1. Cited in “John Ballou Newbrough,” in The Encyclopedia of Occultism and Parapsychology, vol. 2, 2nd ed., ed. Leslie A. Shepard (Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1984), pp. 950–951.

  2. Ibid.

  3. “Faithists in Convention: Delegates from Eleven States at the First Session,” The New York Times, 25 November 1883.

  4. Ibid.

  5. “The Sect of Faithists: The Followers of Oahspe and Some of the Plans and Practices,” The New York Times, 21 November 1884.

  6. Lee Priestley, Shalam: Utopia on the Rio Grande (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1988), pp. 5–7. 

  7. John Ballou Newbrough, Oahspe: A New Bible in the Words of Jehovih and His Angel Embassadors (New York: Oahspe Publishing Association, 1882), p. 804.

  8. Ibid., p. 207.

  9. John Ballou Newbrough to Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Bates, 6 April 1883. Opal Lee Priestley Papers, Archives and Special Collections, New Mexico State University Library.

  10. John Ballou Newbrough to Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Bates, 26 April 1883. Opal Lee Priestley Papers, Archives and Special Collections, New Mexico State University Library. 

  11. The Faithists sometimes mailed proselytizing literature directly to children. In 1885, one Atlanta paper reported sightings of a Faithist book that had “the appearance of an almanac, and thereby slips through the hands of watchful parents. Within the past few days, however, several of them have fallen into fathers’ hands and as many complaints have been made to Postmaster Wilson.” See “Fathers Get Mad: Because Their Children Receive a Book. A Pamphlet Mailed to Atlanta Children Creates Sensation—The Inducements Offered to Live in Shalam—The Religious Belief of the People Who Live There, Etc., Etc.,” The Atlanta Constitution, 1 October 1885.

  12. John Ballou Newbrough to Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Bates, 6 April 1883.

  13. “The Shalamites,” Southwestern Farm and Orchard, vol. 1, no. 7 (September 1894), p. 1.

  14. Lee Priestley mentions that “a Chinese child found a private home” after the dissolution of the colony. See Priestley, “Shalam: Land of the Children,” New Mexico Magazine, vol. 39, no. 6 (November–December 1961), p. 46.

  15. Ibid, p. 22.

  16. Ibid, p. 23.

  17. Ibid, p. 22.

  18. “The Shalamites,” Southwestern Farm and Orchard, p. 1.

  19. Ann Hufstedler, “Shalam: Utopian Desert Paradise,” Las Cruces Citizen, 28 April 1960. Hufstedler was a senior at Las Cruces High School. Her essay won first place in the Katherine D. Stoes section of a student writing contest hosted by the Las Cruces Writers’ Club and was subsequently published in the Citizen. Stoes was one of the first journalists to research and publish significant work on Shalam Colony, and her papers reside at New Mexico State University. The footnotes and bibliography of Hufstedler’s article were not printed in the newspaper.

  20. “The Shalamites,” Southwestern Farm and Orchard, p. 1.

  21. “The higher court’s decision was couched in terms which still are rated as the most scintillating example of juristic humor extant in any language—so unusual in legal proceedings that snickering lawyers now suggest that Justice Alfred A. Freeman, who wrote it, must have been inspired by spirits of the liquid variety.” Wallace Perry, “The Glorious Land of Shalam,” Southwest Review, vol. 38, no. 1 (Winter 1953), p. 40.

  22. Ellis v. Newbrough, 1891-NMSC-028, 6 N.M. 181, 27 P. 490 (S. Ct. 1891), p. 2. Page number refers to the digital version of the decision available at nmcompcomm.us/nmcases/NMSC/1891/1891-NMSC-028.pdf.

  23. Ibid. Bob Ingersoll and Phoebe Couzins were both prominent lawyers in the late 1800s, he an orator famous for his defense of agnosticism and she one of the first female lawyers in the country. It is likely that someone involved in the suit made a joke about the list of candidates being so long that it probably included the names of famous legal figures like Ingersoll and Couzins, and the judge is taking this at face value, whether tongue-in-cheek or not.

  24. Ibid.

  25. Lee Priestley, “Shalam: Land of the Children,” p. 23.

  26. Ibid.

  27. See “Fathers Get Mad” for the Faithists’ optimistic estimates, and Wallace Perry, “The Glorious Land of Shalam,” p. 43, for details on the number of orphans adopted by the colony.

  28. Daniel Simundson, “Strangers in the Valley: The Rio Grande Republican and Shalam, 1884–1891,” New Mexico Historical Review, vol. 45, no. 3 (July 1970), pp. 205–206.

  29. “End of the Shalam Colony,” New-York Tribune, 27 April 1901.

  30. See Ann Hufstedler, “Shalam: Utopian Desert Paradise,” and also Lee Priestley’s “Shalam: Land of the Children,” p. 46. Priestley claims that a black child from the colony was sent to live with Booker T. Washington after its dissolution. However, it is impossible to locate the source for this dubious claim.

  31. Directory of communes, n. d., folder 10 (“A Survey of Mutualistic Communities in America”), Opal Lee Priestley Papers, Archives and Special Collections, New Mexico State University Library. 

  32. “A Friendly Talk,” The Kosmon Pioneer Bulletin, vol. 9, no. 8 (August 1951), pp. 3–4.

  33. Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2004), p. 5.

  34. John Ballou Newbrough, Oahspe, p. 290.

  35. Interview with a Faithist, 11 November 2015.

  36. John Ballou Newbrough, Oahspe, p. 55.

Reed McConnell is a writer interested in environmental contamination and the American Southwest. She studies cultural history and theory at Humboldt University in Berlin.

Mux is hiring engineers to help build AI powered video streaming

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Mux is building the future of online video infrastructure.

Our first product was analytics and performance monitoring - think “NewRelic for Video” - used by major video streaming companies like PBS, Vimeo, and the New York Times to monitor and improve billions of streams.

In early 2018, we launched Mux Video, a simple API to video hosting, encoding and streaming - think "Stripe for Video" - which uses our performance data, machine learning, and just-in-time encoding for unmatched video quality and efficiency. POST a video in; GET a video out that plays anywhere and is deeply optimized for the target device and user. Then get creative with features like audio transcription and face detection. We think building with video should be fun, not complicated.

You’ll be joining an amazing team from places like Google/YouTube, Facebook, Twitch and Brightcove. Our founders previously started (and sold) Zencoder, an early leader in cloud video technology. We also authored Video.js, the biggest HTML5 video player on the web. We were named one of the best Y Combinator startups of 2016, and we recently raised a Series A from Accel, joining existing investors SV Angel, Lowercase, the founders of Heroku, Parse, and others.

Webflow Design and Code at the same time

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Brandon Christopher McCartney, professionally known as Lil B, and as his alter ego The BasedGod, is a rapper from Berkeley, California.

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Brandon Christopher McCartney, professionally known as Lil B, and as his alter ego The BasedGod, is a rapper from Berkeley, California.

I CAN’T


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SO


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Whither the Software Artist?

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One of the places we ran the “Can a computer make you cry?” [advertisement] was in Scientific American. Scientific American readers weren’t even playing videogames. Why the hell are you wasting any of this really expensive advertising? You’re competing with BMW for that ad.

— Trip Hawkins (EA Employee #1)

Consumers were looking for a brand signal for quality. They didn’t lionize the game makers as these creators to fawn over. They thought of the game makers almost as collaborators in their experience. So apostatizing didn’t make sense to the consumers.

— Bing Gordon (EA Employee #7)

In the ’80s that was an interesting experiment, that whole trying-to-make-them-into-rock-stars kind of thing. It was certainly a nice way to recruit top talent. But the reality is that computer programmers and artists and designers are not rock stars. It may have worked for the developers, but I don’t think it had any impact on consumers.

— Stewart Bonn (EA Employee #19)

One of the stories that gamers most love to tell each other is that of Electronic Arts’s fall from grace. If you’re sufficiently interested in gaming history to be reading this blog, you almost certainly know the story in the broad strokes: how Trip Hawkins founded EA in 1982 as a haven for “software artists” doing cutting-edge work; how he put said artists front and center in rock-star-like poses in a series of iconic advertisements, the most famous of which asked whether a computer could make you cry; how he wrote on the back of every stylish EA “album cover” not about EA as a company but as “a collection of electronic artists who share a common goal to fulfill the potential of personal computing”; and how all the idealism somehow dissipated to give us the EA of today, a shambling behemoth that crushes more clever competitors under its sheer weight as it churns out sequel after sequel, retread after retread. The exact point where EA became the personification of everything retrograde and corporate in gaming varies with the teller; perhaps the closest thing to a popular consensus is the rise of John Madden Football and EA Sports in the early 1990s, when the last vestiges of software artistry in the company’s advertisements were replaced by jocks shouting, “It’s in the game!” Regardless of the specifics, though, everyone agrees that It All Went Horribly Wrong at some point. The story of EA has become gamers’ version of a Biblical tragedy: “For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”

Of course, as soon as one starts pulling out Bible quotes, it profits to ask whether one has gone too far. And, indeed, the story of EA is often over-dramatized and over-simplified. Questions of authenticity and creativity are always fraught; to imagine that anyone is really in the arts just for the art strikes me as hopelessly naive. The EA of the early 1980s wasn’t founded by artists but rather by businessmen, backed by venture capitalists with goals of their own that had little to do with “fulfilling the potential of personal computing.” Thus, when the software-artists angle turned out not to work so well, it didn’t take them long to pivot. This, then, is the history of that pivot, and how it led to the EA we know today.


Advertising is all about image making — about making others see you in the light in which you wish to be seen. Without realizing that they were doing anything of the sort, EA’s earliest marketers cemented an image into the historical imagination at the same time that they failed in their more practical task of crafting a message that resonated with the hoped-for customers of their own time. The very same early EA advertising campaign which speaks so eloquently to so many today actually missed the mark entirely in its own day, utterly failing to set the public imagination afire with this idea of programmers and game designers as rock stars. When Trip Hawkins sent Bill Budge — the programmer of his who most naturally resembled a rock star — on an autograph-signing tour of software stores and shopping malls, it didn’t lead to any outbreak of Budgomania. “Nobody would ever show up,” remembers Budge today, still wincing at the embarrassment of sitting behind a deserted autograph booth.

Nor were customers flocking into stores to buy the games EA’s rock stars had created. Sales remained far below initial projections during the eighteen months following EA’s official launch in June of 1983, and the company skated on the razor’s edge of bankruptcy on multiple occasions. While their first year yielded the substantial hits Pinball Construction Set, Archon, and One-on-One, 1984 could boast only one comparable success story, Seven Cities of Gold. Granted, four hits in two years was more than plenty of other publishers managed, but EA had been capitalized under the expectation that their games would open up whole new demographics for entertainment software. “The idea was to make games for 28-year-olds when everybody else was making games for 13-year-olds,” says Bing Gordon, Trip Hawkins’s old university roommate and right-hand man at EA. When those 28-year-olds failed to materialize, EA was left in the lurch.

For better or for worse, One-on-One is the spiritual forefather of the unstoppable EA Sports lineup of today.

The most important architect of EA’s post-launch retrenchment was arguably neither Trip Hawkins nor Bing Gordon, but rather Larry Probst, who left the free-falling Activision to join EA as vice president for sales in 1984. Probst, who had worked at the dry-goods giants Johnson & Johnson and Clorox before joining Activision, had no particular attachment to the idea of software artists. He rather looked at the business of selling games much as he had that of selling toilet paper and bleach. He asked himself how EA could best make money in the market that existed rather than some fanciful new one they hoped to create. Steve Peterson, a product manager at EA, remembers that others “would still talk about how we were trying to create new forms of entertainment and break new boundaries.” But Probst, and increasingly Trip Hawkins as well, had the less high-minded goal of “going public and being a billion-dollar company.”

Probst had the key insight that distribution, more so than software artists or perhaps even product quality in the abstract, was the key to success in an industry that, following a major downturn in home computing in general in 1984, was only continuing to get more competitive. EA therefore spurned the existing distribution channels, which were nearly monopolized by SoftSel, the great behind-the-scenes power in the software industry to which everyone else was kowtowing; SoftSel’s head, Robert Leff, was the most important person in software that no one outside the industry had ever heard of. Instead of using SoftSel, EA set up their own distribution network piece by painful piece, beginning by cold-calling the individual stores and offering cut-rate deals in order to tempt them into risking the wrath of Leff and ordering from another source.

Then, once a reasonable distribution network was in place, EA leveraged the hell out of it by setting up a program of so-called “Affiliated Labels” — other publishers who would pay EA instead of a conventional distributor like SoftSel to get their products onto store shelves. It was a well-nigh revolutionary idea in game publishing, attractive to smaller publishers because EA was ready and able to help out with a whole range of the logistical difficulties they were always facing, from packaging and disk duplication to advertising campaigns. For EA, meanwhile, the Affiliated Labels yielded huge financial rewards and placed them in the driver’s seat of much of the industry, with the power of life and death over many of their smaller ostensible competitors.

Unsurprisingly, Activision, the only other publisher with comparable distributional clout, soon copied the idea, setting up a similar program of their own. But even as they did so, EA, seemingly always one step ahead, was becoming the first American publisher to send games — both their own and those of others — directly to Europe without going through a European intermediary like Britain’s U.S. Gold label.

There was always something a bit contrived, in that indelible Silicon Valley way, about how EA chose to present themselves to the world. Here we have Bing Gordon, head of technology Greg Riker, and producer Joe Ybarra indulging in some of the creative play which, an accompanying article is at pains to tell us, was constantly going on around the office.

Larry Probst’s strategy of distribution über alles worked a treat, yielding explosive growth that more than made up for the company’s early struggles. In 1986, EA became the biggest computer-game publisher in the United States and the world, with annual revenues of $30 million. Their own games were doing well, but were assuming a very different character from the “simple, hot, and deep” ideal of the launch — a phrase Trip Hawkins had once loved to apply to games that were less stereotypically nerdy than the norm, that he imagined would be suitable for busy young adults with a finger on the pulse of hip pop culture. Now, having failed to attract that new demographic, EA adjusted their product line to appeal to those who were already buying computer games. A case in point was The Bard’s Tale, EA’s biggest hit of 1985, a hardcore CRPG that might take a hundred hours or more to complete — fodder for 13-year-olds with long summer vacations to fill rather than 28-year-olds with jobs and busy social calendars.

If “simple, hot, and deep” and programmers as rock stars had been two of the three pillars of EA’s launch philosophy, the last was the one written into Hawkins’s original mission statement as “stay with floppy-disk-based computers only.” Said statement had been written, we should remember, just as the first great videogame fad, fueled by the Atari VCS, was passing its peak and beginning the long plunge into what would go down in history as the Great Videogame Crash of 1983. At the time, it certainly wasn’t only the new EA who believed that the toy-like videogame consoles were the past, and that more sophisticated personal computers, running more sophisticated games, were the future. “I think that computer games are fundamentally different from videogames,” said Hawkins on the Computer Chronicles television show. “It becomes a question of program size, when you want to know how good a program can I have, how much can I do with it, and how long will it take before I’m bored with it.” This third pillar of EA’s strategy would take a bit longer to fall than the others, but fall it would.

The origins of EA’s loss of faith in the home computer in general as the ultimate winner of the interactive-entertainment platform wars can ironically be traced to their decision to wholeheartedly endorse one computer in particular. In October of 1984, Greg Riker, EA’s director of technology, got the chance to evaluate a prototype of Commodore’s upcoming Amiga. His verdict upon witnessing this first truly multimedia personal computer, with its superlative graphics and sound, was that this was the machine that could change everything, and that EA simply had to get involved with it as quickly as possible. He convinced Trip Hawkins of his point of view, and Hawkins managed to secure Amiga Prototype Number 12 for the company within weeks. In the months that followed, EA worked to advance the Amiga with if anything even more enthusiasm than Commodore themselves: developing libraries and programming frameworks which they shared with their outside developers; writing tools internally, including what would become the Amiga’s killer app, Deluxe Paint; documenting the Interchange File Format, a set of standard specifications for sharing pictures, sounds, animations, and music across applications. All of these things and more would remain a part of the Amiga platform’s basic software ecosystem throughout its existence.

When the Amiga finally started shipping late in 1985, EA actually made a far better public case for the machine than Commodore, taking out a splashy editorial-style advertisement just inside the cover of the premiere issue of the new AmigaWorld magazine. It showed the eight Amiga games EA would soon release and explained “why Electronic Arts is committed to the Amiga,” the latter headline appearing above a photograph of Trip Hawkins with his arm proprietorially draped over the Amiga on his desk.

Trip Hawkins with an Amiga

But it all turned into an immense disappointment. Initially, Commodore priced the Amiga wrong and marketed it worse, and even after they corrected some of their worst mistakes it perpetually under-performed in the American marketplace. For Hawkins and EA, the whole episode planted the first seeds of doubt as to whether home computers — which at the end of the day still were computers, requiring a degree of knowledge to operate and associated in the minds of most people more with work than pleasure — could really be the future of interactive entertainment as a mass-media enterprise. If a computer as magnificent as the Amiga couldn’t conquer the world, what would it take?

Perhaps it would take a piece of true consumer electronics, made by a company used to selling televisions and stereos to customers who expected to be able to just turn the things on and enjoy them — a company like, say, Philips, who were working on a new multimedia set-top box for the living room that they called CD-I. The name arose from the fact that it used the magical new technology of CD-ROM for storage, something EA had been begging Commodore to bring to the Amiga to no avail. EA embraced CD-I with the same enthusiasm they had recently shown for the Amiga, placing Greg Riker in personal charge of creating tools and techniques for programming it, working more as partners in CD-I’s development with Philips than as a mere third-party publisher.

Once again, however, it all came to nought. CD-I turned into one of the most notorious slow-motion fiascos in the history of the games industry, missing its originally planned release date in the fall of 1987 and then remaining vaporware for years on end. In early 1989, EA finally ran out of patience, mothballing all work on the platform unless and until it became a viable product; Greg Riker left the company to go work for Microsoft on their own CD-ROM research.

CD-I had cost EA a lot of money to no tangible result whatsoever, but it does reveal that the idea of gaming on something other than a conventional computer was no longer anathema to them. In fact, the year in which EA gave up on CD-I would prove the most pivotal of their entire history. We should therefore pause here to examine their position in 1989 in a bit more detail.

Despite the frustrating failure of the Amiga and CD-I to open a new golden age of interactive entertainment, EA wasn’t doing badly at all. Following years of steady growth, annual revenue had now reached $63 million, up 27 percent from 1988. EA was actively distributing about 100 titles under their own imprint, and 250 more under the imprint of the various Affiliated Labels, who had become absolutely key to their business model, accounting for some 45 percent of their total revenues. About 80 percent of their revenues still came from the United States, with 15 percent coming from Europe — where EA had set up a semi-independent subsidiary, the Langley, England-based EA Europe, in 1987 — and the remainder from the rest of the world. The company was extremely diversified. They were producing software for ten different computing platforms worldwide, had released 40 separate titles that had earned them at least $1 million each, and had no single title that accounted for more than 6 percent of their total revenues.

What we have here, then, is a very healthy business indeed, with multiple revenue streams and cash in the bank. The games they released were sometimes good, sometimes bad, sometimes mediocre; EA’s quality standards weren’t notably better or worse than the rest of their industry. “We tried to create a brand that fell somewhere between Honda and Mercedes,” admits Bing Gordon, “but a lot of the time we shipped Chevy.” Truth be told, even in the earliest days the rhetoric surrounding EA’s software artists had been a little overblown; many of the games their rock stars came up with were far less innovative than the advertising that accompanied them. The genius of Larry Probst had been to explicitly recognize that success or failure as a games publisher had as much to do with other factors as it did with the actual games you released.

For all their success, though, no one at EA was feeling particularly satisfied with their position. On the contrary: 1989 would go down in EA’s history as the year of “crisis.” As successful as they had become selling home-computer software, they remained big fish in a rather small pond, a situation out of keeping with the sense of overweening ambition that been a part of the company’s DNA since its founding. In 1989, about 4 million computers were being used to play games on a regular or semi-regular basis in American homes, enough to fuel a computer-game industry worth an estimated $230 million per year. EA alone owned more than 25 percent of that market, more than any competitor. But there was another, related market in which they had no presence at all: that of the videogame consoles, which had returned from the dead to haunt them even as they were consolidating their position as the biggest force in computer games. The country was in the grip of Nintendo mania. About 22 million Nintendo Entertainment Systems were already in American homes — a figure accounting for 24 percent of all American households — and cartridge-based videogames were selling to the tune of $1.6 billion per year.

Unlike many of their peers, EA hadn’t yet suffered all that badly under the Nintendo onslaught, largely because they had already diversified away from the Commodore 64, the low-end 8-bit computer which had been the largest gaming platform in the world just a couple of years before, and which the NES was now in the process of annihilating. But still, the future of the computer-games industry in general felt suddenly in doubt in a way that it hadn’t since at least the great home-computer downturn of 1984. A sizable coalition inside EA, including Larry Probst and most of the board of directors, pushed Trip Hawkins hard to get EA’s games onto the consoles. Fearing a coup, he finally came around. “We had to go into the [console-based] videogame business, and that meant the world of mass-market,” Hawkins remembers. “There were millions of customers we were going to reach.”

But through which door should they make their entrance? Accustomed to running roughshod over his Affiliated Labels, Hawkins wasn’t excited about the prospect of entering Nintendo’s walled garden, where the shoe would be on the other foot, thanks to that company’s infamously draconian rules for its licensees. Nintendo’s standard contract demanded that they receive the first $12 from every game a licensee sold, required every game to go through an exhaustive review process before publication, and placed strict limits on how many games a licensee was allowed to publish per year and how many units they were allowed to manufacture of each one. For EA, accustomed to being the baddest hombre in the Wild West that was the computer-game marketplace, this was well-nigh intolerable. Bing Gordon insists even today that, thanks to all of the fees and restrictions, no one other than Nintendo was doing much more than breaking even on the NES during this, the period that would go down in history as the platform’s golden age.

So, EA decided instead to back a dark horse: the much more modern Sega Genesis, which hadn’t even been released yet in North America. It was built around the same 16-bit Motorola 68000 CPU found in computers like the Commodore Amiga and Apple Macintosh, with audiovisual capabilities not all that far removed from the likes of the Amiga. The Genesis would give designers and programmers who were used to the affordances of full-fledged computers a far less limiting platform than the NES to work with, and it offered the opportunity to get it on the ground floor of a brand-new market, as opposed to the saturated NES platform. The only problem was that Sega’s licensing fees were comparable to those of Nintendo, even though they could only offer their licensees access to a much more uncertain pool of customers.

Determined to play hardball, Hawkins had a team of engineers reverse-engineer the Genesis, sufficient to let them write games for it with or without Sega’s official development kit. Then he met with Sega again, telling them that, if they refused to adjust their licensing terms, he would release games on the console without their blessing, forcing them to initiate an ugly court battle of the sort that was currently raging between Nintendo and Atari if they wished to bring him to heel. That, he was gambling, was expense and publicity of a sort which Sega simply couldn’t afford. And Sega evidently agreed with his assessment; they accepted a royalty rate half that being demanded by Nintendo. By this roundabout method, EA became the first major American publisher to support the new console, and from that point forward the two companies became, as Hawkins puts it, “good partners.”

EA initially invested $2.5 million in ten games for the Genesis, some of them original to the console, some ports of their more popular computer games. They started shipping the first of them in June of 1990, ten months after the Genesis itself had first gone on sale in the United States. This first slate of EA Genesis titles arrived in a marketplace that was still starving for quality games, just as Hawkins had envisioned it would be. Among them was the game destined to become the face of the new, mass-market-oriented EA: John Madden Football, a more action-oriented re-imagining of a 1988 computer game of the same name.

John Madden Football debuted as a rather cerebral, tactics-heavy computer game in 1988, just another in an EA tradition of famous-athlete-endorsed sports games stretching back to 1983’s (Dr. J and Larry Bird Go) One-on-One. No one in 1988 could have imagined what it would come to mean in the years to come for either its publisher or its spokesman/mascot, both of whom would ride it to iconic heights in American pop culture.

The Sega Genesis marked the third time EA had taken a leap of faith on a new platform. It was the first time, however, that their faith paid off. About 25 percent of the games EA sold in 1990 were for the Genesis. And when the console really started to take off in 1991, fueled not least by their own games, EA was there to reap the rewards. In that year, four of the ten best-selling Genesis games were published by EA. At the peak of their dominance, EA alone was publishing about 35 percent of all the games sold for the Genesis. Absent the boost their games gave it early on, it’s highly questionable whether the Genesis would have succeeded at all in the United States.

In the beginning, few of EA’s outside developers had been terribly excited about writing for the consoles. One of them remembers Hawkins “reading us the riot act” just to get them onboard. Indeed, Hawkins claims today that about 15 percent of EA’s internal employees were so unhappy with the new direction that they quit. Certainly his latest rhetoric could hardly have been more different from that of 1983:

I knew we had to let go of our attachment to machines that the public did not want to buy, and support the hardware that the public would embrace. I made this argument on the grounds of delivering customer satisfaction, and how quality is in the eye of the beholder. If the customer buys a Genesis, we want to give him the best we can for the machine he bought and not resent the consumer for not buying a $1000 computer.

By this point, Hawkins had finally bit the bullet and done a deal with Nintendo, who, in the face of multiple government investigations and lawsuits over their business practices, were becoming somewhat more generous with both their competitors and licensees. When games like Skate or Die, a port of a Commodore 64 hit that just happened to be perfect for the Nintendo and Sega demographics as well, started to sell in serious numbers on the consoles, Hawkins’s developers’ aversion started to fade in the face of all that filthy lucre. Soon the developers of Skate or Die were happily plunging into a sequel which would be a console exclusive.

Even the much-dreaded oversight role played by Nintendo, in which they reviewed every game before allowing it to be published, proved less onerous than expected. When Will Harvey, the designer of an action-adventure called The Immortal, finally steeled himself to look at Nintendo’s critique thereof, he was happily surprised to find the list of “suggestions” to be very helpful on the whole, demonstrating real sensitivity to the effect he was trying to achieve. Even Bing Gordon, who had been highly skeptical of getting into bed with Nintendo, had to admit in the end that “the rating system is fair. On a scale from zero to a hundred, where zero meant the system was totally manipulated for Nintendo’s self-interest and a hundred meant that it was absolutely democratic, they’d probably get a ninety. I’ve seen a little bit of self-interest, but this is America, the land of self-interest.”

Although EA cut their Nintendo teeth on the NES, it was on the long-awaited follow-up console, 1991’s Super Nintendo, that they really began to thrive. That machine boasted capabilities similar to those of the Sega Genesis, meaning EA already had games ready to port over, along with developers with considerable expertise in writing for a more advanced species of console. Just in time for the Christmas of 1991, EA released a new version of John Madden FootballJohn Madden Football ’92— simultaneously on the Super Nintendo and the Genesis. The sequel had been created, according to the recollections of several EA executives, against the advice of market researchers and retailers: “All you’re going to do is obsolete our old game.” But Trip Hawkins remembered how much, as a kid, he had loved the Strat-O-Matic Football board game, for which a new set of player and team cards was issued every year just before the beginning of football season, ensuring that you could always recreate in the board game the very same season you were watching every Sunday on television. So, he ignored the objections of the researchers and the retailers, and John Madden Football ’92 became an enormous hit, by far the biggest EA had yet enjoyed on any platform — thus inaugurating, for better or for worse, the tradition of annual versions of gaming’s most evergreen franchise. Like clockwork, we’ve gotten a new Madden every single year since, a span of time that numbers a quarter-century and change as of this writing.

All of this had a transformative effect on EA’s bottom line, bringing on their biggest growth spurt yet. Revenues increased from $78 million in 1990 to $113 million in 1991; then they jumped to $175 million in 1992, accompanied by a two-for-one stock split that was necessary to keep the share price, which had been at $10 just a few years before, from exceeding $50. In that year, six of the fifteen most popular console games, across all platforms, were published by EA. Their Sega Genesis games alone generated $77 million, 18 percent more than the entirety of the company’s product portfolio had managed in 1989. This was also the first year that EA’s console games in the aggregate outsold their offerings for computers. They were leaving no doubt now as to where their primary loyalty lay: “The 16-bit consoles are far better for games than PCs. The Genesis is a very sophisticated machine…” The disparity between the two sides of the company’s business would only continue to get more pronounced, as EA’s sales jumped by an extraordinary 70 percent — to $298 million — in 1993, a spurt fueled entirely by console-game sales.

But, despite all their success on the consoles, EA — and especially their founder, Trip Hawkins — continued to chafe under the restrictions of the walled-garden model of software distribution. Accordingly, Hawkins put together a group inside EA to research the potential for a CD-ROM-based multimedia setup box of their own, one that would be used for more than just playing games — sort of a CD-I done right. “The Japanese videogame companies,” he said, “are too shortsighted to see where this is going.” In contrast to their walled gardens, his box would be as open as possible. Rather than a single new hardware product, it would be a set of hardware specifications and an operating system which manufacturers could license, which would hopefully result in a situation similar to the MS-DOS marketplace, where lots of companies competed and innovated within the bounds of an established standard. The marketplace for games and applications as well on the new machine would be far less restricted than the console norm, with a more laissez-faire attitude to content and a royalty fee of just $3 per unit sold.

In 1991, EA spun off the venture under the name of 3DO. Hawkins turned most of his day-to-day responsibilities at EA over to Larry Probst in order to take personal charge of his new baby, which took tangible form for the first time with the release of the Panasonic “Real 3DO Player” in late 1993. It and other implementations of the 3DO technology managed to sell 500,000 units worldwide — 200,000 of them in North America — by January of 1995. Yet those numbers were still a pittance next to those of the dedicated game consoles, and the story of 3DO became one of constant flirtations with success that never quite led to that elusive breakthrough moment. As 3DO struggled, Hawkins’s relations with his old company worsened. He believed they had gone back on promises to support his new venture wholeheartedly; “I didn’t feel like I was leaving EA, but it turned out that way,” he says today with lingering bitterness. The long, frustrating saga of 3DO wouldn’t finally straggle to a bankruptcy until 2003.

EA, meanwhile, was flying ever higher absent their founder. Under Larry Probst — always the most hard-nosed and sober-minded of the executive staff, the person most laser-focused on the actual business of selling videogames — EA cemented their reputation as the conservative, risk-averse giant of their industry. This new EA was seemingly the polar opposite of the company that had once asked with almost painful earnestness if a computer could make you cry. And yet, paradoxically, it was a place still inhabited by a surprising number of the people who had come up with that message. Most prominent among them was Bing Gordon, who notes cryptically today only that “people’s ideals get tested in the face of love or money.” Part of the problem — assuming one judges EA’s current less-than-boldly-innovative lineup of franchises to be a problem — may be a simple buildup of creative cruft that has resulted from being in business for so long. Every franchise that debuts in inspiration and innovation, then goes on to join John Madden Football on the list of EA perennials, sucks some of the bandwidth away that might otherwise have been devoted to the next big innovator.

In the summer of 1987, when EA was still straddling the line between their old personality and their new, Trip Hawkins wrote the following lines in their official newsletter — lines which evince the keenly felt tension between art and commerce that has become the defining aspect of EA’s corporate history for so many in the years since:

Unfortunately, simply being creative doesn’t always mean you’ll be wildly successful. Van Gogh sold only one painting during his lifetime. Lots of people would still rather go see Porky’s Revenge IV, ignoring well-produced movies like Amadeus or Chariots of Fire. As a result, film producers take fewer risks, and we get less variety, and pretty soon the Porky’s and Rambo clones are all you can find on a Friday night. Software developers have the same problem. (To this day, all of us M.U.L.E. fans wonder why the entire world hasn’t fallen in love with our favorite game.)

The only way to solve the problem is to do it together. On our end, we’ll keep innovating, researching, experimenting with new ways to use this new medium; on your end, you can support our efforts by taking an occasional risk, by buying something new and different… maybe Robot Rascals, or Make Your Own Murder Party.

You may be very pleasantly surprised — and you’ll help our software artists live to innovate another day.

Did EA go the direction they did because of gamers’ collective failure to support their most innovative, experimental work? Does it even matter if so? The more pragmatic among us might note that the EA of today is delivering games that millions upon millions of people clearly want to play, and where’s the harm in that?

Still, as we look upon this industry that has so steadfastly refused to grow up in so many ways, there remain always those pictures of EA’s first generation of software artists — pictures that, yes, are a little bit pretentious and a lot contrived, but that nevertheless beckon us to pursue higher ideals. They’ve taken on an identity of their own now, quite apart from the history of the company that once splashed them across the pages of glossy lifestyle magazines. Long may they continue to inspire.

(Sources: the book Gamers at Work: Stories Behind the Games People Play by Morgan Ramsay and Game Over: How Nintendo Conquered the World by David Sheff; Harvard Business School’s case study “Electronic Arts in 1995”; ACE of April 1990; Amazing Computing of July 1992; Computer Gaming World of March 1988, October 1988, and June 1989; MicroTimes of April 1986; The One of November 1988; Electronic Arts’s newsletter Farther from Summer 1987; AmigaWorld premiere issue; materials relating to the Software Publishers Association included in the Brøderbund archive at the Strong Museum of Play; the episode of the Computer Chronicles television series entitled “Computer Games.” Online sources include “We See Farther — A History of Electronic Arts” at Gamasutra, “How Electronic Arts Lost Its Soul” at Polygon, and Funding Universe‘s history of Electronic Arts.)


UK cyber security agency backs Apple, Amazon China hack denials

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LONDON/SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - Britain’s national cyber security agency said on Friday it had no reason to doubt the assessments made by Apple Inc and Amazon.com Inc challenging a Bloomberg report that their systems contained malicious computer chips inserted by Chinese intelligence services.

FILE PHOTO: An Apple logo is seen in a store in Los Angeles, California, U.S., March 24, 2017. REUTERS/Lucy Nicholson

Bloomberg Businessweek on Thursday cited 17 unnamed intelligence and company sources as saying that Chinese spies had placed computer chips inside equipment used by around 30 companies, as well as multiple U.S. government agencies, which would give Beijing secret access to internal networks.

“We are aware of the media reports but at this stage have no reason to doubt the detailed assessments made by AWS and Apple,” said the National Cyber Security Centre, a unit of Britain’s eavesdropping agency, GCHQ. AWS refers to Amazon Web Services, the company’s cloud-computing unit.

FILE PHOTO: The logo of Amazon is seen at the company logistics centre in Boves, France, August 8, 2018. REUTERS/Pascal Rossignol/File Photo

“The NCSC engages confidentially with security researchers and urges anybody with credible intelligence about these reports to contact us,” it said.

Apple contested the Bloomberg report on Thursday, saying in a statement that its own internal investigations found no evidence to support the story’s claims and that neither the company, nor its contacts in law enforcement, were aware of any investigation by the FBI into the matter.

Apple’s recently retired general counsel, Bruce Sewell, told Reuters he called the FBI’s then-general counsel James Baker last year after being told by Bloomberg of an open investigation into Super Micro Computer Inc , a hardware maker whose products Bloomberg said were implanted with malicious Chinese chips.

“I got on the phone with him personally and said, ‘Do you know anything about this?,” Sewell said of his conversation with Baker. “He said, ‘I’ve never heard of this, but give me 24 hours to make sure.’ He called me back 24 hours later and said ‘Nobody here knows what this story is about.’”

Baker and the FBI declined to comment Friday.

Reporting by Guy Faulconbridge, Mark Hosenball and Joseph Menn; editing by Sarah Young and Bill Rigby

The Private Magic of Treehouses

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Last month, we asked Atlas Obscura readers to tell us about their favorite treehouses. Why treehouses? Because we love almost everything about them—the childlike sense of wonder they inspire, the quirks and secret cubbyholes that make each one unique. Also, we’re nosy. Treehouses are often hidden in backyards, stubbornly refusing to reveal themselves to passersby. We want to see them!

The submissions we received revealed magical tree-based structures of all sorts, from an elevated fort inspired by young love to a hanging shelter that required more than a little engineering know-how. Overall, you also told us how your favorite treehouses are all the more impressive for the memories they represent.

Below you’ll find a selection of some of our favorite submissions. Every treehouse has the potential to make the world a little more wondrous—with any luck, one of these stories will inspire you to look up at the leaves and dream.


Mike Caveney

An Inspired Getaway

Pasadena, California

“Built it myself after seeing an article in Smithsonian Magazine. Solar power run lights, radio, and TV.” — Mike Caveney, Pasadena, California


Michael Plank

Building Memories

Lanett, Alabama

“During my doctoral program, my boys dreamed it up while watching Treehouse Masters. ‘We could do that!’ So I let them design it. It took two years of weekends, several friends, and family, but we finally completed it in April. We reclaimed as much wood as possible. The siding is from an old fence at my in-laws’. It’s magical at night with all the lights on. But my most favorite part is that I built it with my boys. A forever memory.” — Michael Plank, Lanett, Alabama


Kevin Tracy

Hanging Hideaway

Central Oregon

“My brother and I built it over the summer of 2002 in a trio of Ponderosa pines on my off-grid property in Oregon. All hand tools, no electricity, or even a cordless drill. It’s about 25-feet up, suspended with cables so it sways with the trees in the wind. We built the floor platform on the ground, then hoisted it up into place using a large pulley and my pickup truck. We then added the walls and roof up there, swinging around in rock climbing harnesses and pulling materials up with the pulley. Only way up is to climb a tree and hoist yourself up through a trapdoor in the porch floor. I sleep on the porch up there whenever I can make it out to my property. Because the trees grow at different rates, we need to re-level it every few years using turnbuckles in the suspension cables.” — Kevin Tracy, Michigan


C. Hope Clark

Grandson’s House

Chapin, South Carolina

“It was our present to our two-year-old grandson who just turned five. We wanted to construct something he could grow up with and enjoy into adulthood. It is also big enough to put lawn chairs for the adults to sit back and enjoy. It overlooks the chicken coops on one side, our garden on the other, and the biggest view is downhill to the lake. My husband has used it to watch deer at dawn. It’s constructed around a hickory tree and under the canopy of other hickories, pines, and even one dogwood, and has a coach lap outside the stairs. We built it with stairs and a landing, dedicated it to our grandson, naming it Fort Jackson. The goal is to install a drop down ladder to the underneath of it when he is 7 years old. It’s equally a deer stand and an adult watering hole.” — C. Hope Clark, Chapin, South Carolina


Deb Kreutz

A Stranger’s Passion

Thailand

“I was told that the gentleman who designs, builds, and owns these treetop escapes had a career as a professional in the city. When that job came to an end, he became, for whatever reason, a chicken farmer. Apparently, he was also a dreamer and he began building treehouses that he imagined as being in the trees of his rural farm, located in the forest outside of Chiang Rai, Thailand. Each treehouse is unique and each is rented as a bed and breakfast unit. Lying safe and cozy in a leafy bower listening to the song of tropical birds and the gentle gurgle of the stream below… magic.” — Deb Kreutz, California


Martin Schmidt

Child-Size and Carpenter-Built

Pacific Grove, California

“My father was a professional carpenter and he constructed the treehouse in a group of four oak trees which grew closely together in our front yard. He built a sturdy wooden platform about five feet above ground level. Then constructed the walls and roof of the treehouse out of cedar roof shakes which had been left over from the construction of our ‘real’ house. My mother was very creative and she served as art director for the creation of the treehouse, suggesting features such as the diamond-pane windows and the crooked stovepipe on the roof. One Christmas she made a pair of elves out of styrofoam, coat hanger wire, and oilcloth. She positioned the elves on the roof with a string of lights in their hands as if they were decorating the treehouse. The treehouse was small but cozy and a great place to spend an afternoon reading or just dreaming away the time. Not many treehouses look like a fairytale cottage with a crooked stovepipe on the roof. It was built in the mid-1960s and dismantled in 1972 when we moved away.” — Martin Schmidt, Carmel, California


Sonja Peshkoff

Arboreal Architecture

Bad Harzburg, Germany

“Architectural design turned reality through treehouse hotel project, organized by the land owner and developer. The roof is curved.” — Sonja Peshkoff, Hamburg, Germany


Monica Paxson

Honeymoon Cottage

Julian, California

“It was created as a ‘honeymoon cottage’ by the owners when they married. At night, coyotes would climb the spiral staircase to the tin roof and dance around, with their nails clicking on the tin. It had a tiny galley kitchen and a wood-burning stove. ‘Something’ would chew on the house at night and I would throw shoes in the direction of the chewing.” — Monica Rix Paxson, Cuernavaca, Mexico


Emma Clifford

A Dream Come True

Vermont

“My husband, Shane Clifford, designed and built it. He is a teacher, and woodworking is one of his hobbies. He dreamed of a treehouse like this when he was a kid, and wanted to build it for our own three kids. It took two summers to build and required some technical maneuvering with ropes and harnesses. Eventually he’d like to add a spiral staircase winding up the tree to the opening in the railing. I’d like to add a twisty tunnel slide someday! It sleeps six people and each bed has a special animal name and painting adorning it: Heron’s Hideaway (folds down out of the wall from a chalkboard station), Rabbit’s Rest, Coyote’s Cot, Fox’s Featherbed, Bear’s Bungalow, and The Crow’s Nest (tucked up in the peak of the roof).” — Emma Clifford Sharon, Vermont

How I Judge the Quality of Documentation in 30 Seconds (2014)

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As a developer, you develop instincts for judging quality of code. One of my favorite interview questions is:

When you look at a project’s code for the first time, what are the things you look for?

I think this question is telling. Every person has different priorities, and this is a great way to get at them.

I have developed quick ways to tell the quality of documentation. This post will be about what they are, and what they mean. Obviously it is just a heuristic, and having these things doesn’t make good documentation. However, the absence of them usually indicates a lack of quality.

A Website

If your documentation is a directory full of files on GitHub, I close the tab. With GitHub Pages, Read the Docs, and other places to host generated documentation for free, not making an effort is unforgivable.

If this is your project, please check out Mkdocs. It is still a new tool, but it will give your users something much nicer. I also recommend Sphinx for the most mature approach to documentation.

Prose

If your documentation is generated from source code, I am immediately skeptical. You should use words to communicate with your users, and those words shouldn’t live in your source code. If you included all of the things needed to document a project in source, your code would be unreadable.

So please, use a tool that allows you to write prose documentation outside of your source code. Your users will thank you.

A great start is to read this series on Writing Great Documentation, and the resources on the Write the Docs docs.

URLs

There are two things I always look for in the URL:

Most often, projects don’t have either. Your URL should look something like: https://docs.project.com/en/1.0/

Versions

I see versions in lots of documentation, but not nearly enough. If your project has versions, your documentation should too. Not everyone can always upgrade to the latest version.If someone is using an old version, they should have access to documentation for that version.

Along the same lines, you should also have documentation for your development version. If the docs don’t have a version attached, I have no idea if they are up to date or not. You should clearly mark your released versions and development version, otherwise users will get confused.

Language

Language is one I rarely see. The software world has a nasty habit of forgetting that the whole world doesn’t speak English. If you don’t provide a language in your URL, you are implicitly sending the message that the documentation will never be translated.

I believe that translating documentation is a really important step towards helping people learn to program.Someone shouldn’t have to learn Programming and English at the same time.

Translations are quite a bit of work, so I understand why many projects don’t have them. But you should at least acknowledge the possibility of translation by putting the language in the URL.

Conclusion

That is the 30 second way that I determine if a project’s documentation is worth looking at. These are all hints about if a project actually cares about its docs. If the project doesn’t care about its documentation, that is a good sign that you probably shouldn’t use it.

Firefox to support Google's WebP image format for a faster web

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Mozilla Firefox sticker

A Mozilla Firefox sticker

Stephen Shankland/CNET

Firefox has joined Google's WebP party, another endorsement for the internet giant's effort to speed up the web with a better image format.

Google revealed WebP eight years ago and since then has built it into its Chrome web browser, Android phone software and many of its online properties in an effort to put websites on a diet and cut network data usage. But Google had trouble encouraging rival browser makers to embrace it.

Mozilla initially rejected WebP as not offering enough of an improvement over more widely used image formats, JPEG and PNG. It seriously evaluated WebP but chose to try to squeeze more out of JPEG. But now Mozilla -- like Microsoft with its Edge browser earlier this week -- has had a change of heart.

"Mozilla is moving forward with implementing support for WebP," the nonprofit organization said. WebP will work in versions of Firefox based on its Gecko browser engine, Firefox for personal computers and Android but not for iOS. Mozilla plans to add support in the first half of 2019.

Committing to a new image format on the web is a big deal. In addition to technical challenges and new security risks, embracing a new image format means embracing it for years and years, because removing support at some point in the future will break websites that rely on it.

It's one of the central conundrums of the web. Browser makers and website developers want to advance the technology, but they can't remove older aspects of the foundation as readily as Google can with Android or Apple with its rival iOS software. Websites have a long shelf life.

There are exceptions. Browser makers remove some undesirable interfaces, usually after careful measurement of usage and careful assessment. But it's harder for widely used technology like Adobe Systems' Flash Player. We're several years into a very slow burial of that software foundation. Browser makers and eventually Adobe, too, concluded Flash's security and stability problems deemed it no longer were worthwhile. Ditching it was made possible by years of work building Flash's abilities into the web itself.

Why the change of heart?

"We are seeing a number of developments coming together that might lead to an accelerated adoption of WebP," including Edge support, Mozilla said.

Mozilla is a major backer of another image format under development, AVIF. Where WebP is based on Google's VP8 video compression technology, AVIF is based on a newer video format called AV1 from a much broader group, the Alliance for Open Media. That alliance includes a lot of heavy hitters, including Google, Apple, Microsoft, Cisco, Amazon, Netflix and Facebook, but most of its work is focused on the AV1 video format.

"We also look forward to AVIF being ready, and we will continue to invest in it," Mozilla said.

Apple briefly dabbled with WebP support in test versions of its Safari browser but removed that support, an inconvenience for any developers who want to use the format but also have to ensure their websites work on iPhones and iPads. Apple declined to comment.

First published October 5, 10:02 a.m. PT.
Update, 2:43 p.m. PT: Adds further comment from Mozilla.

NASA turns 60: The space agency has taken humanity farther than anyone else, and it has plans to go further.

Taking It to Extremes: Mix insane situations -- erupting volcanoes, nuclear meltdowns, 30-foot waves -- with everyday tech. Here's what happens.

What is good color? (2015)

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When discussing color, different people have different reactions to the same pictures, be they photos or paintings. Where some enthuse „such great color!”, others won’t acknowledge color at all.

What determines color perception? Where is the borderline between objective psychophysiology and subjective preference? What distinguishes perception and attitude to the thing perceived? How does perception change with age and visual experience? How to develop good taste in color – and just what is good color, to begin with?

I’ll try to answer these and other questions in what follows. Let me preface it by saying that everything in this article is my personal opinion based on my studies and experiments with color as well as scientific research in the fields of psychophysiology, color theory and aesthetics, analysis of works of art, museum exhibits and films, conversations I’ve had with painters and photographers world-famous for color mastery and observations of how color perception changes in people as their creative powers develop. You have every right to disagree with me, but I hope you’ll find these thoughts useful or at least curious.


This article is a brief introduction to some important points. I go into greater detail and discuss many related topics in the Photography. Thinking in color course that I teach.


So what is good color? I think there are three parts to it. Good color is:

1. Rich color.

2. Harmonious color.

3. Expressive color.



Very often discussions of color focus on the second quality, but I consider richness of color of paramount importance, so let’s start with that.


Rich color

This means an abundance of gradients within color – they are called „valeurs” in painting. The Wikipedia’s definition will do fine:



Valeur (French meaning price, worth; from Latin „valere” to be worth) — in painting and drawing a shade of color. A system of valeurs in a work is an arrangement of lights and shades of some color.

Now colors can be altered in various ways, depending on the approach. For mixing colors and digital imagery the most convenient approach is the HSB system (Hue, Saturation, Brightness), which allows three kinds of alterations. Accordingly, there are three ways to make a color rich.

Richness through brightness

You alter only the brightness of a color, leaving saturation and hue as they were. If mixing real paints, you put in some whitening agent – or soot to make things darker.

Look at this picture by Rafal Milah for an example of richness through a brightness change. Observe how the color of the wall near the characters passes smoothly, gradually, in a broad range from rather light to nearly black. Since valeurs are distinct shades of color, it takes a whole lot of these gradients to produce a seamless transition. This picture has that broad range, so it’s rich color-wise, even though the untrained eye might detect just two colors here.


Richness through saturation

Changing saturation, you leave brightness and hue intact. With real paints the main technique is to admix to pure colors gray paint of the same brightness.


Look at the screenshot from the movie “Zabriskie Point” (1970). Notice how many shades of orange there are inside the explosion – from flash-bright to brown-gray. Although they blend, tens of thousands of shades have to be there to produce the impressive richness of this shot. It is they that make the picture interesting and worth looking at to the developed eye; a less developed one will only notice and enjoy the obvious juxtaposition of reddish orange with blue.

Richness through hue

Hue changes within certain limits, brightness and saturation remain. Painters do this by slowly pouring one paint into another.



Sergey Maximishin’s photo is my example here. Even though he doesn’t like to be called an artist and stresses his journalism, I believe that Sergey is a capital Artist with an amazing color sense.

Pay attention to the seamless transitions between turquoises and pinks behind the pipes here. We can see areas of distinct coloration, but they meld without a definite borderline. This effect takes a number of gradients so great that the eye cannot tell where one ends and the next begins.


Those are the three ways to alter color, but in real life and on actual paintings and photos colors rarely change along some one axis. Usually they endlessly vary along all, resulting in complex, rich and pleasing looking material.


(c) Alexander Zavarin, oil, canvas

To allow broad variations within a picture several ranges must be represented. Let’s consider color representation using the HSB mathematical model, or rather a version we’ll call the human body of colors. This three-dimensional figure illustrates colors the human eye can discern. The vertical axis through the center is neutral gradients from black below to white above. Off to the sides saturation increases. Considered from the top, the figure shows how colors form a 360-degree circle.

We can make a number of curious and very useful observations with the human body of colors, e.g.:


1) Every color reaches its maximum saturation at a different level of brightness.

2) Making a completely saturated color brighter or darker will cost saturation, and at the extreme turn it to black or white.

3) Boosting saturation works against color richness.

You can read my book “LIFELIKE: A Book on Color in Digital Photography” for a more in-depth discussion. Here I would only direct your attention to point 3. Surprising but true – the more saturated a photo is, the less nuanced and subtle its color.

To better distinguish varieties of perceived color, I talk about „colorful” vs. „gaudy.” A colorful pictures has lots of gradients, a gaudy picture has few. Increasing saturation eliminates subtle shades, thefore saturated pictures have few colors. And vice versa: the more colorful an image, i.e. the greater the number of colors in it, the less saturated it’s going to be – inevitably. 



Here is an example from the book. I don’t really care for this picture on other grounds, but it illustrates the point nicely. I’m showing it in two versions, the only difference is saturation.

Look especially at the shades of red. On the picture above, the more saturated one, the entire door is soaked in almost the same color. On the picture below you see shades and so better color detail. To „create” this detail original colors, too pure and bland, had to be soiled with a good splash of gray, which brought out gradients. This is painters’ „dirt is gold” rule in action. 


This effect of saturation is an objective property of the human eye, brain and perception. It applies like the laws of physics, whether we like it or not. But after the objective image has been perceived, the viewer’s own „perspective” on what he sees comes into effect, and that’s something that depends on personal history of visual experience.

Color perception matures

Although I’ve already covered this topic in Color solfege, I’ll recapitulate some of that piece’s main ideas, somewhat rephrased and illustrated.

A newborn can see almost nothing except vague shapes. In 2-3 months the child begins to focus his eyes on nearby objects, discern mother’s face in the visual feed, and as he grows older, his eye becomes better and better at noticing detail.

You might have noticed that kids’ toys are usually very bright (saturated, actually), with just a few basic colors used. That’s because they can’t appreciate color subtleties. Physiologically they are capable of distinguishing a number of tones, but in real life 15-20 colors are quite enough for them. A child’s system of values is dominated by easy conventions such as „pink for girls, blue for boys.” Subtle shades leave a child indifferent, only oversaturated colors produce a response.

As they grow, children begin to require more colors. Teenagers want to stand apart from the crowd, assert their individuality, and one way to do that is color preference. Young men and women’s clothes begin to feature more color nuances and elements. The colors themselves get more restrained, muted and elegant.

Overall number of colors increases, saturation bleeds out of them. Few adults will wear a vivid outfit outdoors, and usually it’s no sign of good taste but rather an intention to shock. Andy Warhol’s work shocked just so.

By the time a person is 20 and enters adulthood, he’s finished nature’s 101 course on visual sophistication. Any further development, if any, will require from personal creative effort.

I’ve come across these data: an average Russian high school student distinguishes 150-200 colors. A Japanese student sees 300-400. The reason is different education systems and social values, including family and ethnic values – Japanese schools teach many more aesthetics-related disciplines, down to ikebana and painting.

How many colors they see in this context means how many they use in their day-to-day lives, i.e. in making choices. Physiological capacity for color differentiation may be more or less the same, but their culture conditions Japanese people to be much more discerning and demanding in matters of color. Where a Russian is happy enough to say “whichever” over even a small selection, a Japanese person may insist on a shade between very close options.

Appreciation is first and foremost a matter of distinguishing nuances. Take dry wine. At first taste all most people can sense is something sour on the tongue. It takes experience to begin to realize nuances and enjoy their interplay.

Just the same way someone who lacks visual experience can’t appreciate muted colors. With the palate an inability to discern nuances is a sign of crude taste receptors, or more likely an unschooled nervous system and brain behind them. With the palette it’s the cones on the retina and the brain again. A crude system only understands strong stimuli – to a person who’s scalded his tongue with some hot drink everything will be tasteless for a while. The same way an eye that has only ever been exposed to saturated colors is both overwhelmed and undeveloped. It can’t appreciate subtler shades. With experience it will learn to see these variations and develop an aversion to excesses. Acidic, screaming colors will begin to jar.

The third level of perception is personal opinion and attitude towards colors. A person may be able to see color nuances and understand why others find them attractive but remain unimpressed. Polite excuses to be made in this case run along the lines of „I don’t like it,” „It doesn’t do anything for me” and so on. But discussion of preferences rarely attains this level, because most people can’t distinguish shades and tones that require a developed eye. To an ordinary person an admirer of pictures with rich but muted colors is a snob pretending to see what isn’t there. But the truth is, some people can see what others don’t. 

An obvious question follows: how to learn to see? How to develop taste? The answer is obvious enough: keep sampling color and teaching your cones. Go to museums, study paintings, albums and art books. Look closely at life and gather visual experience.

Harmonious color

The second key property of good color is that it’s harmonious. Harmony is pretty easy to understand. But there are lots of misconceptions and silly theories, mostly revolving around Itten’s color circle and how some colors on it especially well or badly harmonize with some others. In books and online you’ll find many many illustrations made up of geometries against Itten’s unfortunate invention – unfortunate because a couple of loose definitions have led astray whole generations of „scholars of color”… But I’ve written enough about the complementary colors fallacy in „The myth of color complementation”, so I’ll direct you there. Now let us talk about what color harmony is, if not a function of the circle.

To do that we’ll consider a palette of pure (saturated) colors – 12 will suffice. The analysis is valid for any palette size, though.

Looking at this palette, a few things come to mind:

1) It doesn’t look harmonious as a whole. The colors are too pure to have anything in common. They are screaming vivid, a.k.a. acidic.



2) Nonetheless, any two colors considered as a pair look a lot more harmonious, even though saturation remains. And it doesn’t matter how far or close to each other they are on the color circle and what their relationship is. It turns out that harmony is not about position of colors on the circle but their quantity. The fewer there are, the higher degree of saturation they can retain without harmony being threatened. And vice versa: the greater the number of pure colors in a composition, the closer it edges to chaos. To retain harmony with a large number of colors a designer or artist has to reduce their saturation.


In other words, a palette can be harmonized in just two ways:



1. Reduce the number of pure colors.
2. Reduce their saturation.


Often both are done at the same time.

The second method in the most general way can be formulated as „soil colors to give them something in common.” But… and second, in practice the main way to reduce saturation is to admix gray color of the same brightness. So let’s stick with the simpler and less general definition used under 2 above. 


By the way, harmony in music is similar. Any two notes taken at once sound harmonious, even if it’s a minor second or a tritone – alarming-sounding intervals maybe, but we’ll be able to distinguish the tones. Producing a harmonious chord, harmonizing three notes, is more difficult.

A seventh chord, which consists of four notes, is even more of a challenge, ninth chords with five notes are rare in music and thirteenth chords with six notes practically never heard.

So it is with colors – many pure colors are hard to manage. In my book „The Living Digital” (look above for a link) I use Rembrandt’s „Danae” to show how painters use just a few colors but many valeurs in their work. Another example is a study by Alexander Zavarin from his student days, which got him thinking in color. Here is the story Alexander tells:

„I didn’t like painting in the Stroganov School for Technical Drawing, and I wasn’t too good at it. I shared my troubles with a buddy. He passed on to me a piece of advice from a friend of his, an old painter. The man has said, throw away all colors from the palette except light ochre, red ochre, white and black. And try to do everything with these – from landscapes to portraits to still lifes. So I did and got my first A in the painting class. That’s how I learned to see color. Later on I brought back all the other colors, of course, but preference for muted tones stayed.”

When we can’t help but deal with a large number of pure colors, the only way to harmonize them is to mix with each other or some other color common to them all. In the case of our sample palette the results could look as follows: 



1. Original pallette of pures


2. The same palette harmonized through decreased saturation – gray was added.


3. The same palette again harmonized through adding a common tint – yellow in this case.

Palettes 2 and 3 may look pale at first, but if you cover the original and keep your eyes on these two for 10-20 seconds, then go back to the source colors, you’ll see how jarring and disharmonious those are. 

Further discussion of harmony would bring us to the practical question of how to reduce tint added to harmonize colors via the second method. Tinting is commonplace in film photography, but I won’t repeat myself here. You are welcome to Chapter 11, „Benchmark Nuetrals,” in the book.

Expressive color

The third criterion of good color is expression – an area quite outside of objective standards, a matter of preference. What some viewers find expressive and grand others don’t. But practice shows that a person’s idea of expression changes radically as his understanding of richness and harmony grows. As they gain experience of these two, people begin to look differently at color, photography and art in general. Things that once seemed dull often turn out to have a lot of expression to them, they excite and delight. And former favorites only evoke an ironic smile over one’s former naiveté. In my opinion, this is a definite indication of growth – perception has become subtler, taste finer and our judgments truer. I now smile at myself as I was a few years back and hope to be smiling at today’s Pavel (and this article) some time in the future.


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